the writings-6-第25章

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little　more　than　one　third　of　its　length　are　rivers；　easy　to　be

crossed；　and　populated；　or　soon　to　be　populated；　thickly　upon　both

sides；　while　nearly　all　its　remaining　length　are　merely　surveyors'

lines；　over　which　people　may　walk　back　and　forth　without　any

consciousness　of　their　presence。　　No　part　of　this　line　can　be　made

any　more　difficult　to　pass　by　writing　it　down　on　paper　or　parchment

as　a　national　boundary。　　The　fact　of　separation；　if　it　comes；　gives

up　on　the　part　of　the　seceding　section　the　fugitive…slave　clause

along　with　all　other　constitutional　obligations　upon　the　section

seceded　from；　while　I　should　expect　no　treaty　stipulation　would　ever

be　made　to　take　its　place。



But　there　is　another　difficulty。　　The　great　interior　region　bounded

east　by　the　Alleghenies；　north　by　the　British　dominions；　west　by　the

Rocky　Mountains；　and　south　by　the　line　along　which　the　culture　of

corn　and　cotton　meets；　and　which　includes　part　of　Virginia；　part　of

Tennessee；　all　of　Kentucky；　Ohio；　Indiana；　Michigan；　Wisconsin；

Illinois；　Missouri；　Kansas；　Iowa；　Minnesota；　and　the　Territories　of

Dakota；　Nebraska；　and　part　of　Colorado；　already　has　above　10；000；000

people；　and　will　have　50；000；000　within　fifty　years　if　not　prevented

by　any　political　folly　or　mistake。　　It　contains　more　than　one　third

of　the　country　owned　by　the　United　Statescertainly　more　than

1；000；000　square　miles。　　　Once　half　as　populous　as　Massachusetts

already　is；　it　would　have　more　than　75；000；000　people。　　A　glance　at

the　map　shows　that；　territorially　speaking；　it　is　the　great　body　of

the　Republic。　　The　other　parts　are　but　marginal　borders　to　it；　the

magnificent　region　sloping　west　from　the　Rocky　Mountains　to　the

Pacific　being　the　deepest　and　also　the　richest　in　undeveloped

resources。　　In　the　production　of　provisions；　grains；　grasses；　and　all

which　proceed　from　them　this　great　interior　region　is　naturally　one

of　the　most　important　in　the　world。　　Ascertain　from　statistics　the

small　proportion　of　the　region　which　has　yet　been　brought　into

cultivation；　and　also　the　large　and　rapidly　increasing　amount　of

products；　and　we　shall　be　overwhelmed　with　the　magnitude　of　the

prospect　presented。　　And　yet　this　region　has　no　seacoasttouches　no

ocean　anywhere。　　As　part　of　one　nation；　its　people　now　find；　and　may

forever　find；　their　way　to　Europe　by　New　York；　to　South　America　and

Africa　by　New　Orleans；　and　to　Asia　by　San　Francisco；　but　separate　our

common　country　into　two　nations；　as　designed　by　the　present

rebellion；　and　every　man　of　this　great　interior　region　is　thereby　cut

off　from　some　one　or　more　of　these　outlets；　not　perhaps　by　a　physical

barrier；　but　by　embarrassing　and　onerous　trade　regulations。



And　this　is　true；　wherever　a　dividing　or　boundary　line　may　be　fixed。

Place　it　between　the　now　free　and　slave　country；　or　place　it　south　of

Kentucky　or　north　of　Ohio；　and　still　the　truth　remains　that　none

south　of　it　can　trade　to　any　port　or　place　north　of　it；　and　none

north　of　it　can　trade　to　any　port　or　place　south　of　it；　except　upon

terms　dictated　by　a　government　foreign　to　them。　　These　outlets；　east；

west；　and　south；　are　indispensable　to　the　well…being　of　the　people

inhabiting　and　to　inhabit　this　vast　interior　region。　　Which　of　the

three　may　be　the　best　is　no　proper　question。　　All　are　better　than

either；　and　all　of　right　belong　to　that　people　and　to　their

successors　forever。　　True　to　themselves；　they　will　not　ask　where　a

line　of　separation　shall　be；　but　will　vow　rather　that　there　shall　be

no　such　line。



Nor　are　the　marginal　regions　less　interested　in　these　communications

to　and　through　them　to　the　great　outside　world。　　They；　too；　and　each

of　them；　must　have　access　to　this　Egypt　of　the　West　without　paying

toll　at　the　crossing　of　any　national　boundary。



Our　national　strife　springs　not　from　our　permanent　part；　not　from　the

land　we　inhabit；　not　from　our　national　homestead。　　There　is　no

possible　severing　of　this　but　would　multiply　and　not　mitigate　evils

among　us。　　In　all　its　adaptations　and　aptitudes　it　demands　union　and

abhors　separation。　　In　fact；　it　would　ere　long　force　reunion；　however

much　of　blood　and　treasure　the　separation　might　have　cost。



Our　strife　pertains　to　ourselvesto　the　passing　generations　of　men

and　it　can　without　convulsion　be　hushed　forever　with　the　passing　of

one　generation。



In　this　view　I　recommend　the　adoption　of　the　following　resolution　and

articles　amendatory　to　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States：



Resolved　by　the　Senate　and　House　of　Representatives　of　the　United

States　of　America；　in　Congress　assembled；　（two　thirds　of　both　Houses

concurring）；　That　the　following　articles　be　proposed　to　the

Legislatures　（or　conventions）　of　the　several　States　as　amendments　to

the　Constitution　of　the　United　States；　all　or　any　of　which　articles；

when　ratified　by　three　fourths　of　the　said　Legislatures　（or

conventions）；　to　be　valid　as　part　or　parts　of　the　said　Constitution；

viz。



ART。Every　State　wherein　slavery　now　exists　which　shall　abolish　the

same　therein　at　any　time　or　times　before　the　1st　day　of　January；　A。D。

1900；　shall　receive　compensation　from　the　United　States　as　follows；

to　wit：



The　President　of　the　United　States　shall　deliver　to　every　such　State

bonds　of　the　United　States　bearing　interest　at　the　rate　of　___　per

cent。　per　annum　to　an　amount　equal　to　the　aggregate　sum　of　______

for　each　slave　shown　to　have　been　therein　by　the　Eighth　Census　of　the

United　States；　said　bonds　to　be　delivered　to　such　State　by

instalments　or　in　one　parcel　at　the　completion　of　the　abolishment；

accordingly　as　the　same　shall　have　been　gradual　or　at　one　time　within

such　State；　and　interest　shall　begin　to　run　upon　any　such　bond　only

from　the　proper　time　of　its　delivery　as　aforesaid。　　Any　State　having

received　bonds　as　aforesaid　and　afterwards　reintroducing　or

tolerating　slavery　therein　shall　refund　to　the　United　States　the

bonds　so　received；　or　the　value　thereof；　and　all　interest　paid

thereon。



ART。All　slaves　who　shall　have　enjoyed　actual　freedom　by　the　chances

of　the　war　at　any　time　before　the　end　of　the　rebellion　shall　be

forever　free；　but　all　owners　of　such　who　shall　not　have　been　disloyal

shall　be　compensated　for　them　at　the　same　rates　as　is　provided　for

States　adopting　abolishment　of　slavery；　but　in　such　way　that　no　slave

shall　be　twice　accounted　for。



ART。Congress　may　appropriate　money　and　otherwise　provide　for

colonizing　free　colored　persons　with　their　own　consent　at　any　place

or　places　without　the　United　States。



I　beg　indulgence　to　discuss　these　proposed　articles　at　some　length。

Without　slavery　the　rebellion　could　never　have　existed；　without

slavery　it　could　not　continue。



Among　the　friends　of　the　Union　there　is　great　diversity　of　sentiment

and　of　policy　in　regard　to　slavery　and　the　African　race　amongst　us。

Some　would　perpetuate　slavery；　some　would　abolish　it　suddenly　and

without　compensation；　some　would　abolish　it　gradually　and　with

compensation；　some　would　remove　the　freed　people　from　us；　and　some

would　retain　them　with　us；　and　there　are　yet　other　minor　diversities。

Because　of　these　diversities　we　waste　much　strength　in　struggles

among　ourselves。　　By　mutual　concession　we　should　harmonize　and　act

together。　　This　would　be　compromise；　but　it　would　be　compromise　among

the　friends　and　not　with　the　enemies　of　the　Union。　　These　articles

are　intended　to　embody　a　plan　of　such　mutual　concessions。　　If　the

plan　shall　be　adopted；　it　is　assumed　that　emancipation　will　follow；

at　least　in　several　of　the　States。



As　to　the　first　article；　the　main　points　are；　first；　the

emancipation；　secondly；　the　length　of　time　for　consummating　it

（thirty…seven　years）；　and；　thirdly；　the　compensation。



The　emancipation　will　be　unsatisfactory　to　the　advocates　of　perpetual

slavery；　but　the　length　of　time　should　greatly　mitigate　their

dissatisfaction。　　The　time　spares　both　races　from　the　evils　of　sudden

derangementin　fact；　from　the　necessity　of　any　derangementwhile

most　of　those　whose　habitual　course　of　thought　will　be　disturbed　by

the　measure　will　have　passed　away　before　its　consummation。　　They　will

never　see　it。　　Another　class　will　hail　the　prospect　of　emancipation；

but　will　deprecate　the　length　of　time。　　They　will　feel　that　it　gives

too　little　to　the　now　living　slaves。　　But　it　really　gives　them　much。

It　saves　them　from　the　vagrant　destitution　which　must　largely　attend

immediate　emancipation　in　localities　where　their　numbers　are　very

great；　and　it　gives　the　inspiring　assurance　that　their　posterity

shall　be　free　forever。　　The　plan　leaves　to　each　State　choosing　to　act

under　it　to　abolish　slavery　now　or　at　the　end　of　the　century；　or　at

any　intermediate　tune；　or　by　degrees　extending　over　the　whole　or　any

part　of　the　period；　and　it　obliges　no　two　States　to　proceed　alike。

It　also　provides　for　compensation；　and　generally　the　mode　of　making

it。　　This；　it　would　seem；　must　further　mitigate　the　dissatisfaction

of　those　who　favor　perpetual　slavery；　and　especially　of　those　who　are

to　receive　the　compensation。　　Doubtless　some　of　those　who　are　to　pay

and　not　to　receive　will　object。　　Yet　the　measure　is　both　just　and

economical。　　In　a　certain　sense　the　liberation　of　slaves　is　the

destruction　of　propertyproperty　acquired　by　descent　or　by　purchase；

the　same　as　any　other　property。　　It　is　no　less　true　for　having　been

often　said　that　the　people　of　the　South　are　not　more　responsible　for

the　original　introduction　of　this　property　than　are　the　people　of　the

North；　and　when　it　is　remembered　how　unhesitatingly　we　all　use　cotton

and　sugar　and　share　the　profits　of　dealing　in　them；　it　may　not　be

quite　safe　to　say　that　the　South　has　been　more　responsible　than　the

North　for　its　continuance。　　If；　then；　for　a　common　object　this

property　is　to　be　sacrificed；　is　it　not　just　that　it　be　done　at　a

common　charge？



And　if　with　less　money；　or　money　more　easily　paid；　we　can　preserve

the　benefits　of　the　Union　by　this　means　than　we　can　by　the　war　alone；

is　it　not　also　economical　to　do　it？　　Let　us　consider　it；　then。　　Let

us　ascertain　the　sum　we　have　expended　in　the　war　Since　compensated

emancipation　was　proposed　last　March；　and　consider　whether　if　that

measure　had　been　promptly　accepted　by　even　some　of　the　slave　States

the　same　sum　would　not　have　done　more　to　close　the　war　than　has　been

otherwise　done。　　If　so；　the　measure　would　save　money；　and　in　that

view　would　be　a　prudent　and　economical　measure。　　Certainly　it　is　not

so　easy　to　pay　something　as　it　is　to　pay　nothing；　but　it　is　easier　to

pay　a　large　sum　than　it　is　to　pay　a　larger　one。　　And　it　is　easier　to

pay　any　sum　when　we　are　able　than　it　is　to　pay　it　before　we　are　able。

The　war　requires　large　sums；　and　requires　them　at　once。　　The

aggregate　sum　necessary　for　compensated　emancipation　of　course　would

be　large。　　But　it　would　require　no　ready　cash；　nor　the　bonds　even　any

faster　than　the　emancipation　pr