the writings-6-第26章

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be　large。　　But　it　would　require　no　ready　cash；　nor　the　bonds　even　any

faster　than　the　emancipation　progresses。　　This　might　not；　and

probably　would　not；　close　before　the　end　of　the　thirty…seven　years。

At　that　time　we　shall　probably　have　a　hundred　millions　of　people　to

share　the　burden；　instead　of　thirty…one　millions　as　now。　　And　not

only　so；　but　the　increase　of　our　population　may　be　expected　to

continue　for　a　long　time　after　that　period　as　rapidly　as　before；

because　our　territory　will　not　have　become　full。　　I　do　not　state　this

inconsiderately。　　At　the　same　ratio　of　increase　which　we　have

maintained；　on　an　average；　from　our　first　national　census；　in　1790；

until　that　of　186o；　we　should　in　1900　have　a　population　of

103；208；415。　　And　why　may　we　not　continue　that　ratio　far　beyond　that

period？　　Our　abundant　room；　our　broad　national　homestead；　is　our

ample　resource。　　Were　our　territory　as　limited　as　are　the　British

Isles；　very　certainly　our　population　could　not　expand　as　stated。

Instead　of　receiving　the　foreign　born　as　now；　we　should　be　compelled

to　send　part　of　the　native　born　away。　　But　such　is　not　our　condition。

We　have　2；963；000　square　miles。　　Europe　has　3；800；000；　with　a

population　averaging　73　persons　to　the　square　mile。　　Why　may　not　our

country　at　some　time　average　as　many？　　Is　it　less　fertile？　　Has　it

more　waste　surface　by　mountains；　rivers；　lakes；　deserts；　or　other

causes？　　Is　it　inferior　to　Europe　in　any　natural　advantage？　　If；

then；　we　are　at　some　time　to　be　as　populous　as　Europe；　how　soon？　　As

to　when　this　may　be；　we　can　judge　by　the　past　and　the　present；　as　to

when　it　will　be；　if　ever；　depends　much　on　whether　we　maintain　the

Union。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。



＇a　page　of　tables　of　projected　statistics＇



These　figures　show　that　our　country　may　be　as　populous　as　Europe　now

is　at　some　point　between　1920　and　1930；　say　about　1925our

territory；　at　73　persons　to　the　square　mile；　being　of　capacity　to

contain　217；186；000。



And　we　will　reach　this；　too；　if　we　do　not　ourselves　relinquish　the

chance　by　the　folly　and　evils　of　disunion　or　by　long　and　exhausting

war　springing　from　the　only　great　element　of　national　discord　among

us。　　While　it　cannot　be　foreseen　exactly　how　much　one　huge　example　of

secession；　breeding　lesser　ones　indefinitely；　would　retard

population；　civilization；　and　prosperity；　no　one　can　doubt　that　the

extent　of　it　would　be　very　great　and　injurious。



The　proposed　emancipation　would　shorten　the　war；　perpetuate　peace；

insure　this　increase　of　population；　and　proportionately　the　wealth　of

the　country。　　With　these　we　should　pay　all　the　emancipation　would

cost；　together　with　our　other　debt；　easier　than　we　should　pay　our

other　debt　without　it。　　If　we　had　allowed　our　old　national　debt　to

run　at　six　per　cent。　per　annum；　simple　interest；　from　the　end　of　our

revolutionary　struggle　until　to…day；　without　paying　anything　on

either　principal　or　interest；　each　man　of　us　would　owe　less　upon　that

debt　now　than　each　man　owed　upon　it　then；　and　this　because　our

increase　of　men　through　the　whole　period　has　been　greater　than　six

per　cent。has　run　faster　than　the　interest　upon　the　debt。　　Thus　time

alone　relieves　a　debtor　nation；　so　long　as　its　population　increases

faster　than　unpaid　interest　accumulates　on　its　debt。



This　fact　would　be　no　excuse　for　delaying　payment　of　what　is　justly

due；　but　it　shows　the　great　importance　of　time　in　this　connection

the　great　advantage　of　a　policy　by　which　we　shall　not　have　to　pay

until　we　number　100；000；000　what　by　a　different　policy　we　would　have

to　pay　now；　when　we　number　but　31；000；000。　　In　a　word；　it　shows　that

a　dollar　will　be　much　harder　to　pay　for　the　war　than　will　be　a　dollar

for　emancipation　on　the　proposed　plan。　　　And　then　the　latter　will

cost　no　blood；　no　precious　life。　　It　will　be　a　saving　of　both。



As　to　the　second　article；　I　think　it　would　be　impracticable　to　return

to　bondage　the　class　of　persons　therein　contemplated。　　Some　of　them；

doubtless；　in　the　property　sense　belong　to　loyal　owners；　and　hence

Provision　is　made　in　this　article　for　compensating　such。



The　third　article　relates　to　the　future　of　the　freed　people。　　It　does

not　oblige；　but　merely　authorizes　Congress　to　aid　in　colonizing　such

as　may　consent。　　This　ought　nut　to　be　regarded　as　objectionable　on

the　one　hand　or　on　the　other；　insomuch　as　it　comes　to　nothing　unless

by　the　mutual　consent　of　the　people　to　be　deported　and　the　American

voters　through　their　representatives　in　Congress。



I　cannot　make　it　better　known　than　it　already　is　that　I　strongly

favor　colonization；　and　yet　I　wish　to　say　there　is　an　objection　urged

against　free　colored　persons　remaining　in　the　country　which　is

largely　imaginary；　if　not　sometimes　malicious。



It　is　insisted　that　their　presence　would　injure　and　displace　white

labor　and　white　laborers。　　If　there　ever　could　be　a　proper　time　for

mere　catch　arguments　that　time　surely　is　not　now。　　In　times　like　the

present　men　should　utter　nothing　for　which　they　would　not　willingly

be　responsible　through　time　and　in　eternity。　　Is　it　true；　then；　that

colored　people　can　displace　any　more　white　labor　by　being　free　than

by　remaining　slaves？　　If　they　stay　in　their　old　places；　they　jostle

no　white　laborers；　if　they　leave　their　old　places；　they　leave　them

open　to　white　laborers。　　Logically；　there　is　neither　more　nor　less　of

it。　　Emancipation；　even　without　deportation；　would　probably　enhance

the　wages　of　white　labor；　and　very　surely　would　not　reduce　them。

Thus　the　customary　amount　of　labor　would　still　have　to　be　performed。

The　freed　people　would　surely　not　do　more　than　their　old　proportion

of　it；　and　very　probably　for　a　time　would　do　less；　leaving　an

increased　part　to　white　laborers；　bringing　their　labor　into　greater

demand；　and　consequently　enhancing　the　wages　of　it。　　With

deportation；　even　to　a　limited　extent；　enhanced　wages　to　white　labor

is　mathematically　certain。　　Labor　is　like　any　other　commodity　in　the

market…increase　the　demand　for　it　and　you　increase　the　price　of　it。

Reduce　the　supply　of　black　labor　by　colonizing　the　black　laborer　out

of　the　country；　and　by　precisely　so　much　you　increase　the　demand　for

and　wages　of　white　labor。



But　it　is　dreaded　that　the　freed　people　will　swarm　forth　and　cover

the　whole　land。　　Are　they　not　already　in　the　land？　　Will　liberation

make　them　any　more　numerous？　　Equally　distributed　among　the　whites　of

the　whole　country；　and　there　would　be　but　one　colored　to　seven

whites。　　Could　the　one　in　any　way　greatly　disturb　the　seven？　　There

are　many　communities　now　having　more　than　one　free　colored　person　to

seven　whites；　and　this　without　any　apparent　consciousness　of　evil

from　it。　　The　District　of　Columbia　and　the　States　of　Maryland　and

Delaware　are　all　in　this　condition。　　The　District　has　more　than　one

free　colored　to　six　whites；　and　yet　in　its　frequent　petitions　to

Congress　I　believe　it　has　never　presented　the　presence　of　free

colored　persons　as　one　of　its　grievances。　　But　why　should

emancipation　South　send　the　free　people　North？　　People　of　any　color

seldom　run　unless　there　be　something　to　run　from。　　Heretofore　colored

people　to　some　extent　have　fled　North　from　bondage；　and　now；　perhaps；

from　both　bondage　and　destitution。　　But　if　gradual　emancipation　and

deportation　be　adopted；　they　will　have　neither　to　flee　from。　　Their

old　masters　will　give　them　wages　at　least　until　new　laborers　can　be

procured；　and　the　freedmen　in　turn　will　gladly　give　their　labor　for

the　wages　till　new　homes　can　be　found　for　them　in　congenial　climes

and　with　people　of　their　own　blood　and　race。　　This　proposition　can　be

trusted　on　the　mutual　interests　involved。　　And　in　any　event；　cannot

the　North　decide　for　itself　whether　to　receive　them？



Again；　as　practice　proves　more　than　theory　in　any　case；　has　there

been　any　irruption　of　colored　people　northward　because　of　the

abolishment　of　slavery　in　this　District　last　spring？



What　I　have　said　of　the　proportion　of　free　colored　persons　to　the

whites　in　the　District　is　from　the　census　of　1860；　having　no

reference　to　persons　called　contrabands　nor　to　those　made　free　by　the

act　of　Congress　abolishing　slavery　here。



The　plan　consisting　of　these　articles　is　recommended；　not　but　that　a

restoration　of　the　national　authority　would　be　accepted　without　its

adoption。



Nor　will　the　war　nor　proceedings　under　the　proclamation　of　September

22；　1862；　be　stayed　because　of　the　recommendation　of　this　plan。　　Its

timely　adoption；　I　doubt　not；　would　bring　restoration；　and　thereby

stay　both。



And　notwithstanding　this　plan；　the　recommendation　that　Congress

provide　by　law　for　compensating　any　State　which　may　adopt

emancipation　before　this　plan　shall　have　been　acted　upon　is　hereby

earnestly　renewed。　　Such　would　be　only　an　advance　part　of　the　plan；

and　the　same　arguments　apply　to　both。



This　plan　is　recommended　as　a　means；　not　in　exclusion　of；　but

additional　to；　all　others　for　restoring　and　preserving　the　national

authority　throughout　the　Union。　　The　subject　is　presented　exclusively

in　its　economical　aspect。　　The　plan　would；　I　am　confident；　secure

peace　more　speedily　and　maintain　it　more　permanently　than　can　be　done

by　force　alone；　while　all　it　would　cost；　considering　amounts　and

manner　of　payment　and　times　of　payment；　would　be　easier　paid　than

will　be　the　additional　cost　of　the　war　if　we　rely　solely　upon　force。

It　is　much；　very　much；　that　it　would　cost　no　blood　at　all。



The　plan　is　proposed　as　permanent　constitutional　law。　　It　cannot

become　such　without　the　concurrence　of；　first；　two　thirds　of

Congress；　and　afterwards　three　fourths　of　the　States。　　The　requisite

three　fourths　of　the　States　will　necessarily　include　seven　of　the

slave　States。　　Their　concurrence；　if　obtained；　will　give　assurance　of

their　severally　adopting　emancipation　at　no　very　distant　day　upon　the

new　constitutional　terms。　　This　assurance　would　end　the　struggle　now

and　save　the　Union　forever。



I　do　not　forget　the　gravity　which　should　characterize　a　paper

addressed　to　the　Congress　of　the　nation　by　the　chief　magistrate　of

the　nation；　nor　do　I　forget　that　some　of　you　are　my　seniors；　nor　that

many　of　you　have　more　experience　than　I　in　the　conduct　of　public

affairs。　　Yet　I　trust　that　in　view　of　the　great　responsibility

resting　upon　me　you　will　perceive　no　want　of　respect　to　yourselves　in

any　undue　earnestness　I　may　seem　to　display。



Is　it　doubted；　then；　that　the　plan　I　propose；　if　adopted；　would

shorten　the　war；　and　thus　lessen　its　expenditure　of　money　and　of

blood？　　Is　it　doubted　that　it　would　restore　the　national　authority

and　national　prosperity　and　perpetuate　both　indefinitely？　　Is　it

doubted　that　we　hereCongress　and　executivecan　secure　its

adoption？　　Will　not　the　good　people　respond　to　a　united　and　earnest

appeal　from　us？　　Can　we；　can　they；　by　any　other　means　so　certainly　or

so　speedily　assure　these　vital　objects？　　We　can　succeed　only　by