the crisis in russia(俄国危机)-第8章
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measures the process is elaborate。 The Committee issues a statement of its
case； and the party newspapers the Pravda and its affiliated organs are
deluged with its discussion。 When this discussion has had time to spread
through the country； congresses of Communists meet in the provincial
centres； and members of the Central
Committee go down to these conferences to defend the 〃theses〃 which
the Committee has issued。 These provincial congresses； exclusively
Communist； send their delegates of an All…Russian Congress。 There the
〃theses〃 of the Central Committee get altered； confirmed； or； in the case of
an obviously unpersuaded and large opposition in the party； are referred
back or in other ways shelved。 Then the delegates； even those who have
been in opposition at the congress； go back to the country pledged to
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defend the position of the majority。 This sometimes has curious results。
For example； I heard Communist Trades Unionists fiercely arguing against
certain clauses in the theses on industrial conscription at a Communist
Congress at the Kremlin； less than a week afterwards I heard these same
men defending precisely these clauses at a Trades Union Congress over
the way； they loyally abiding by the collective opinion of their fellow
Communists and subject to particularly uncomfortable heckling from
people who vociferously reminded them （since the Communist debates
had been published） that they were now defending what； a few days before；
they had vehemently attacked。
The great strength of the Communist Party is comparable to the
strength of the Jesuits； who； similarly； put themselves and their opinions at
the disposal of the body politic of their fellow members。 Until a decision
had been made； a Communist is perfectly free to do his best to prevent it
being made； to urge alterations in it； or to supply a rival decision； but
once it has been made he will support it without changing his private
opinion。 In all mixed congresses； rather than break the party discipline；
he will give his vote for it； speak in favor of it； and use against its
adversaries the very arguments that have been used against himself。 He
has his share in electing the local Communist Committee； and； indirectly；
in electing the all…powerful Central Committee of the party； and he binds
himself to do at any moment in his life exactly what these Committees
decide for him。 These Committees decide the use that is to be made of the
lives； not only of the rank and file of the party； but also of their own
members。 Even a member of the Central Committee does not escape。
He may be voted by his fellow members into leaving a job he likes and
taking up another he detests in which they think his particular talents will
better serve the party aims。 To become a member of the
Communist Party involves a kind of intellectual abdication； or； to put
it differently； a readiness at any moment to place the collective wisdom of
the party's Committee above one's individual instincts or ideas。 You may
influence its decisions； you may even get it to endorse your own； but
Lenin himself； if he were to fail on any occasion to obtain the agreement
of a majority in the Central Committee； would have to do precisely what
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the Committee should tell him。 Lenin's opinion carries great weight
because he is Lenin； but it carries less weight than that of the Central
Committee； of which he forms a nineteenth part。 On the other hand； the
opinion of Lenin and a very small group of outstanding figures is
supported by great prestige inside the Committee； and that of the
Committee is supported by overwhelming prestige among the rank and file。
The result is that this small group is nearly always sure of being able to
use the whole vote of 600；000 Communists； in the realization of its
decisions。
Now 600；000 men and women acting on the instructions of a highly
centralized directive； all the important decisions of which have been
thrashed out and re…thrashed until they have general support within the
party； 600；000 men and women prepared； not only to vote in support of
these decisions； but with a carefully fostered readiness to sacrifice their
lives for them if necessary； 600；000 men and women who are persuaded
that by their way alone is humanity to be saved； who are persuaded （to put
it as cynically and unsympathetically as possible） that the noblest death
one can die is in carrying out a decision of the Central Committee； such a
body； even in a country such as Russia； is an enormously strong
embodiment of human will； an instrument of struggle capable of working
something very like miracles。 It can be and is controlled like an army in
battle。 It can mobilize its members； 10 per cent。 of them； 50 per cent。；
the local Committees choosing them； and send them to the front when the
front is in danger； or to the railways and repair shops when it is decided
that the weakest point is that of transport。 If its only task were to fight
those organizations of loosely knit and only momentarily united interests
which are opposed to it； those jerry…built alliances of Reactionaries with
Liberals； United…Indivisible…Russians with Ukrainians； Agrarians with
Sugar…Refiners； Monarchists with Republicans； that task would long ago
have been finished。 But it has to fight something infinitely stronger
than these in fighting the economic ruin of Russia； which； if it is too strong；
too powerful to be arrested by the Communists； would make short work
of those who are without any such fanatic single…minded and perfectly
disciplined organization。
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A CONFERENCE AT
JAROSLAVL
I have already suggested that although the small Central Committee of
the Communist Party does invariably get its own way； there are essential
differences between this Dictatorship and the dictatorship of； for example；
a General。 The main difference is that whereas the General merely writes
an order about which most people hear for the first time only when it is
promulgated； the Central Committee prepares the way for its dictation by a
most elaborate series of discussions and counter discussions throughout
the country； whereby it wins the bulk of the Communist Party to its
opinion； after which it proceeds through local and general congresses to do
the same with the Trades Unions。 This done； a further series of
propaganda meetings among the people actually to be affected smooths
the way for the introduction of whatever new measure is being carried
through at the moment。 All this talk； besides lessening the amount of
physical force necessary in carrying out a decision； must also avoid； at
least in part； the deadening effect that would be caused by mere
compulsory obedience to the unexplained orders of a military dictator。
Of the reality of the Communist Dictatorship I have no sort of doubt。
But its methods are such as tend towards the awakening of a political
consciousness which； if and when normal conditions…of feeding and peace；
for example…are attained； will make dictatorship of any kind almost
impossible。
To illustrate these methods of the Dictatorship； I cannot do better than
copy into this book some pages of my diary
written in March of this year when I was present at one of the
provincial conferences which were held in preparation of the All…Russian
Communist Conference at the end of the month。
At seven in the evening Radek called for me and took me to the
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Jaroslavl station； where we met Larin； whom I had known in 1918。 An
old Menshevik； he was the originator and most urgent supporter of the
decree annulling the foreign debts。 He is a very ill man； partially
paralyzed； having to use both hands even to get food to his mouth or to
turn over the leaves of a book。 In spite of this he is one of the hardest
workers in Russia； and although his obstinacy； his hatred of compromise；
and a sort of mixed originality and perverseness keep him almost
permanently at loggerheads with the Central Committee； he retains
everybody's respect because of the real heroism with which he conquers
physical disabilities which long ago would have overwhelmed a less
unbreakable spirit。 Both Radek and Larin were going to the Communist
Conference at Jaroslavl which was to consider the new theses of the
Central Committee of the party with regard to Industrial Conscription。
Radek was going to defend the position of the Central Committee； Larin to
defend his own。 Both are old friends。 As Radek said to me； he intended
to destroy Larin's position； but not； if he could help it； prevent Larin being
nominated among the Jaroslavl delegates to All…Russian Conference which
was in preparation。 Larin； whose work keeps him continually traveling；
has his own car； specially arranged so that his uninterrupted labor shall
have
