the writings-5-第7章

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definition　of　〃genuine　popular　sovereignty；〃　in　the　abstract；　would

be　about　this：　That　each　man　shall　do　precisely　as　he　pleases　with

himself；　and　with　all　those　things　which　exclusively　concern　him。

Applied　to　government；　this　principle　would　be；　that　a　general

government　shall　do　all　those　things　which　pertain　to　it；　and　all　the

local　governments　shall　do　precisely　as　they　please　in　respect　to

those　matters　which　exclusively　concern　them。　　I　understand　that　this

government　of　the　United　States；　under　which　we　live；　is　based　upon

this　principle；　and　I　am　misunderstood　if　it　is　supposed　that　I　have

any　war　to　make　upon　that　principle。



Now；　what　is　judge　Douglas's　popular　sovereignty？　　It　is；　as　a

principle；　no　other　than　that　if　one　man　chooses　to　make　a　slave　of

another　man　neither　that　other　man　nor　anybody　else　has　a　right　to

object。　　Applied　in　government；　as　he　seeks　to　apply　it；　it　is　this：

If；　in　a　new　Territory　into　which　a　few　people　are　beginning　to　enter

for　the　purpose　of　making　their　homes；　they　choose　to　either　exclude

slavery　from　their　limits　or　to　establish　it　there；　however　one　or

the　other　may　affect　the　persons　to　be　enslaved；　or　the　infinitely

greater　number　of　persons　who　are　afterwards　to　inhabit　that

Territory；　or　the　other　members　of　the　families　of　communities；　of

which　they　are　but　an　incipient　member；　or　the　general　head　of　the

family　of　States　as　parent　of　all；　however　their　action　may　affect

one　or　the　other　of　these；　there　is　no　power　or　right　to　interfere。

That　is　Douglas's　popular　sovereignty　applied。



He　has　a　good　deal　of　trouble　with　popular　sovereignty。　　His

explanations　explanatory　of　explanations　explained　are　interminable。

The　most　lengthy；　and；　as　I　suppose；　the　most　maturely　considered　of

this　long　series　of　explanations　is　his　great　essay　in　Harper's

Magazine。　　I　will　not　attempt　to　enter　on　any　very　thorough

investigation　of　his　argument　as　there　made　and　presented。　　I　will

nevertheless　occupy　a　good　portion　of　your　time　here　in　drawing　your

attention　to　certain　points　in　it。　　Such　of　you　as　may　have　read　this

document　will　have　perceived　that　the　judge　early　in　the　document

quotes　from　two　persons　as　belonging　to　the　Republican　party；　without

naming　them；　but　who　can　readily　be　recognized　as　being　Governor

Seward　of　New　York　and　myself。　　It　is　true　that　exactly　fifteen

months　ago　this　day；　I　believe；　I　for　the　first　time　expressed　a

sentiment　upon　this　subject；　and　in　such　a　manner　that　it　should　get

into　print；　that　the　public　might　see　it　beyond　the　circle　of　my

hearers；　and　my　expression　of　it　at　that　time　is　the　quotation　that

Judge　Douglas　makes。　He　has　not　made　the　quotation　with　accuracy；　but

justice　to　him　requires　me　to　say　that　it　is　sufficiently　accurate

not　to　change　the　sense。



The　sense　of　that　quotation　condensed　is　this：　that　this　slavery

element　is　a　durable　element　of　discord　among　us；　and　that　we　shall

probably　not　have　perfect　peace　in　this　country　with　it　until　it

either　masters　the　free　principle　in　our　government；　or　is　so　far

mastered　by　the　free　principle　as　for　the　public　mind　to　rest　in　the

belief　that　it　is　going　to　its　end。　　This　sentiment；　which　I　now

express　in　this　way；　was；　at　no　great　distance　of　time；　perhaps　in

different　language；　and　in　connection　with　some　collateral　ideas；

expressed　by　Governor　Seward。　　Judge　Douglas　has　been　so　much　annoyed

by　the　expression　of　that　sentiment　that　he　has　constantly；　I

believe；　in　almost　all　his　speeches　since　it　was　uttered；　been

referring　to　it。　　I　find　he　alluded　to　it　in　his　speech　here；　as　well

as　in　the　copyright　essay。　　I　do　not　now　enter　upon　this　for　the

purpose　of　making　an　elaborate　argument　to　show　that　we　were　right　in

the　expression　of　that　sentiment。　　In　other　words；　I　shall　not　stop

to　say　all　that　might　properly　be　said　upon　this　point；　but　I　only

ask　your　attention　to　it　for　the　purpose　of　making　one　or　two　points

upon　it。



If　you　will　read　the　copyright　essay；　you　will　discover　that　judge

Douglas　himself　says　a　controversy　between　the　American　Colonies　and

the　Government　of　Great　Britain　began　on　the　slavery　question　in

1699；　and　continued　from　that　time　until　the　Revolution；　and；　while

he　did　not　say　so；　we　all　know　that　it　has　continued　with　more　or

less　violence　ever　since　the　Revolution。



Then　we　need　not　appeal　to　history；　to　the　declarations　of　the

framers　of　the　government；　but　we　know　from　judge　Douglas　himself

that　slavery　began　to　be　an　element　of　discord　among　the　white　people

of　this　country　as　far　back　as　1699；　or　one　hundred　and　sixty　years

ago；　or　five　generations　of　men；counting　thirty　years　to　a

generation。　　Now；　it　would　seem　to　me　that　it　might　have　occurred　to

Judge　Douglas；　or　anybody　who　had　turned　his　attention　to　these

facts；　that　there　was　something　in　the　nature　of　that　thing；　slavery；

somewhat　durable　for　mischief　and　discord。



There　is　another　point　I　desire　to　make　in　regard　to　this　matter；

before　I　leave　it。　From　the　adoption　of　the　Constitution　down　to　1820

is　the　precise　period　of　our　history　when　we　had　comparative　peace

upon　this　question；the　precise　period　of　time　when　we　came　nearer

to　having　peace　about　it　than　any　other　time　of　that　entire　one

hundred　and　sixty　years　in　which　he　says　it　began；　or　of　the　eighty

years　of　our　own　Constitution。　　Then　it　would　be　worth　our　while　to

stop　and　examine　into　the　probable　reason　of　our　coming　nearer　to

having　peace　then　than　at　any　other　time。　　This　was　the　precise

period　of　time　in　which　our　fathers　adopted；　and　during　which　they

followed；　a　policy　restricting　the　spread　of　slavery；　and　the　whole

Union　was　acquiescing　in　it。　　The　whole　country　looked　forward　to　the

ultimate　extinction　of　the　institution。　　It　was　when　a　policy　had

been　adopted；　and　was　prevailing；　which　led　all　just　and　right…minded

men　to　suppose　that　slavery　was　gradually　coming　to　an　end；　and　that

they　might　be　quiet　about　it；　watching　it　as　it　expired。　　I　think

Judge　Douglas　might　have　perceived　that　too；　and　whether　he　did　or

not；　it　is　worth　the　attention　of　fair…minded　men；　here　and

elsewhere；　to　consider　whether　that　is　not　the　truth　of　the　case。　　If

he　had　looked　at　these　two　facts；that　this　matter　has　been　an

element　of　discord　for　one　hundred　and　sixty　years　among　this　people；

and　that　the　only　comparative　peace　we　have　had　about　it　was　when

that　policy　prevailed　in　this　government　which　he　now　wars　upon；　he

might　then；　perhaps；　have　been　brought　to　a　more　just　appreciation　of

what　I　said　fifteen　months　ago；that　〃a　house　divided　against　itself

cannot　stand。　　I　believe　that　this　government　cannot　endure

permanently；　half　slave　and　half　free。　I　do　not　expect　the　house　to

fall；　I　do　not　expect　the　Union　to　dissolve；　but　I　do　expect　it　will

cease　to　be　divided。　　It　will　become　all　one　thing；　or　all　the　other。

Either　the　opponents　of　slavery　will　arrest　the　further　spread　of　it；

and　place　it　where　the　public　mind　will　rest　in　the　belief　that　it　is

in　the　course　of　ultimate　extinction；　or　its　advocates　will　push　it

forward　until　it　shall　become　alike　lawful　in　all　the　States；　old　as

well　as　new；　North　as　well　as　South。〃　　That　was　my　sentiment　at　that

time。　　In　connection　with　it；　I　said：　〃We　are　now　far　into　the　fifth

year　since　a　policy　was　inaugurated　with　the　avowed　object　and

confident　promise　of　putting　an　end　to　slavery　agitation。　　Under　the

operation　of　the　policy　that　agitation　has　not　only　not　ceased；　but

has　constantly　augmented。〃　　I　now　say　to　you　here　that　we　are

advanced　still　farther　into　the　sixth　year　since　that　policy　of　Judge

Douglasthat　popular　sovereignty　of　hisfor　quieting　the　slavery

question　was　made　the　national　policy。　　Fifteen　months　more　have　been

added　since　I　uttered　that　sentiment；　and　I　call　upon　you　and　all

other　right…minded　men　to　say　whether　that　fifteen　months　have　belied

or　corroborated　my　words。



While　I　am　here　upon　this　subject；　I　cannot　but　express　gratitude

that　this　true　view　of　this　element　of　discord　among　usas　I　believe

it　isis　attracting　more　and　more　attention。　　I　do　not　believe　that

Governor　Seward　uttered　that　sentiment　because　I　had　done　so　before；

but　because　he　reflected　upon　this　subject　and　saw　the　truth　of　it。

Nor　do　I　believe　because　Governor　Seward　or　I　uttered　it　that　Mr。

Hickman　of　Pennsylvania；　in；　different　language；　since　that　time；　has

declared　his　belief　in　the　utter　antagonism　which　exists　between　the

principles　of　liberty　and　slavery。　　You　see　we　are　multiplying。　　Now；

while　I　am　speaking　of　Hickman；　let　me　say；　I　know　but　little　about

him。　　I　have　never　seen　him；　and　know　scarcely　anything　about　the

man；　but　I　will　say　this　much　of　him：　Of　all　the　anti…Lecompton

Democracy　that　have　been　brought　to　my　notice；　he　alone　has　the　true；

genuine　ring　of　the　metal。　　And　now；　without　indorsing　anything　else

he　has　said；　I　will　ask　this　audience　to　give　three　cheers　for

Hickman。　＇The　audience　responded　with　three　rousing　cheers　for

Hickman。＇



Another　point　in　the　copyright　essay　to　which　I　would　ask　your

attention　is　rather　a　feature　to　be　extracted　from　the　whole　thing；

than　from　any　express　declaration　of　it　at　any　point。　　It　is　a

general　feature　of　that　document；　and；　indeed；　of　all　of　Judge

Douglas's　discussions　of　this　question；　that　the　Territories　of　the

United　States　and　the　States　of　this　Union　are　exactly　alike；　that

there　is　no　difference　between　them　at　all；　that　the　Constitution

applies　to　the　Territories　precisely　as　it　does　to　the　States；　and

that　the　United　States　Government；　under　the　Constitution；　may　not　do

in　a　State　what　it　may　not　do　in　a　Territory；　and　what　it　must　do　in

a　State　it　must　do　in　a　Territory。　　Gentlemen；　is　that　a　true　view　of

the　case？　　It　is　necessary　for　this　squatter　sovereignty；　but　is　it

true？



Let　us　consider。　　What　does　it　depend　upon？　　It　depends　altogether

upon　the　proposition　that　the　States　must；　without　the　interference

of　the　General　Government；　do　all　those　things　that　pertain

exclusively　to　themselves；that　are　local　in　their　nature；　that　have

no　connection　with　the　General　Government。　　After　Judge　Douglas　has

established　this　proposition；　which　nobody　disputes　or　ever　has

disputed；　he　proceeds　to　assume；　without　proving　it；　that　slavery　is

one　of　those　little；　unimportant；　trivial　matters　which　are　of　just

about　as　much　consequence　as　the　question　would　be　to　me　whether　my

neighbor　should　raise　horned　cattle　or　plant　tobacco；　that　there　is

no　moral　question　about　it；　but　that　it　is　altogether　a　matter　of

dollars　and　cents；　that　when　a　new　Territory　is　opened　for

settlement；　the　first　man　who　goes　into　it　may　plant　there　a　thing

which；　like　the　Canada　thistle　or　some　other　of　those　pests　of　the

soil；　cannot　be　dug　out　by　the　millions　of　men　who　will　come

thereafter；　that　it　is　one　of　those　little　things　that　is　so　trivial

in　its　nature