the writings-5-第6章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



making　three　comments　upon　it。　　The　first　I　have　already　announced；

it　furnishes　me　an　introductory　topic；　the　second　is　to　show　that　the

gentleman　is　mistaken；　thirdly；　to　give　him　an　opportunity　to　correct

it。



In　the　first　place；　in　regard　to　this　matter　being　a　mistake。　　I　have

found　that　it　is　not　entirely　safe；　when　one　is　misrepresented　under

his　very　nose；　to　allow　the　misrepresentation　to　go　uncontradicted。

I　therefore　propose；　here　at　the　outset；　not　only　to　say　that　this　is

a　misrepresentation；　but　to　show　conclusively　that　it　is　so；　and　you

will　bear　with　me　while　I　read　a　couple　of　extracts　from　that　very

〃memorable〃　debate　with　Judge　Douglas　last　year；　to　which　this

newspaper　refers。　　In　the　first　pitched　battle　which　Senator　Douglas

and　myself　had；　at　the　town　of　Ottawa；　I　used　the　language　which　I

will　now　read。　　Having　been　previously　reading　an　extract；　I

continued　as　follows：



〃Now；　gentlemen；　I　don't　want　to　read　at　any　greater　length；　but　this

is　the　true　complexion　of　all　I　have　ever　said　in　regard　to　the

institution　of　slavery　and　the　black　race。　　This　is　the　whole　of　it；

and　anything　that　argues　me　into　his　idea　of　perfect　social　and

political　equality　with　the　negro；　is　but　a　specious　and　fantastic

arrangement　of　words；　by　which　a　man　can　prove　a　horse…chestnut　to　be

a　chestnut　horse。　　I　will　say　here；　while　upon　this　subject；　that　I

have　no　purpose　directly　or　indirectly　to　interfere　with　the

institution　of　slavery　in　the　States　where　it　exists。　　I　believe　I

have　no　lawful　right　to　do　so；　and　I　have　no　inclination　to　do　so。　　I

have　no　purpose　to　introduce　political　and　social　equality　between

the　white　and　the　black　races。　　There　is　a　physical　difference

between　the　two　which；　in　my　judgment；　will　probably　forbid　their

ever　living　together　upon　the　footing　of　perfect　equality；　and

inasmuch　as　it　becomes　a　necessity　that　there　must　be　a　difference；

I；　as　well　as　Judge　Douglas；　am　in　favor　of　the　race　to　which　I

belong　having　the　superior　position。　　I　have　never　said　anything　to

the　contrary；　but　I　hold　that；　notwithstanding　all　this；　there　is　no

reason　in　the　world　why　the　negro　is　not　entitled　to　all　the　natural

rights　enumerated　in　the　Declaration　of　Independence；the　right　to

life；　liberty　and　the　pursuit　of　happiness。　　I　hold　that　he　is　as

much　entitled　to　these　as　the　white　man。　　I　agree　with　judge　Douglas；

he　is　not　my　equal　in　many　respects；certainly　not　in　color；　perhaps

not　in　moral　or　intellectual　endowments。　　But　in　the　right　to　eat　the

bread；　without　leave　of　anybody　else；　which　his　own　hand　earns；　he　is

my　equal；　and　the　equal　of　Judge　Douglas；　and　the　equal　of　every

living　man。〃



Upon　a　subsequent　occasion；　when　the　reason　for　making　a　statement

like　this　occurred；　I　said：



〃While　I　was　at　the　hotel　to…day　an　elderly　gentleman　called　upon　me

to　know　whether　I　was　really　in　favor　of　producing　perfect　equality

between　the　negroes　and　white　people。　　While　I　had　not　proposed　to

myself　on　this　occasion　to　say　much　on　that　subject；　yet；　as　the

question　was　asked　me；　I　thought　I　would　occupy　perhaps　five　minutes

in　saying　something　in　regard　to　it。　　I　will　say；　then；　that　I　am

not；　nor　ever　have　been；　in　favor　of　bringing　about　in　any　way　the

social　and　political　equality　of　the　white　and　black　races；　that　I　am

not；　nor　ever　have　been；　in　favor　of　making　voters　or　jurors　of

negroes；　nor　of　qualifying　them　to　hold　office；　or　intermarry　with

the　white　people；　and　I　will　say　in　addition　to　this　that　there　is　a

physical　difference　between　the　white　and　black　races　which　I　believe

will　forever　forbid　the　two　races　living　together　on　terms　of　social

and　political　equality。　　And　inasmuch　as　they　can　not　so　live；　while

they　do　remain　together　there　must　be　the　position　of　superior　and

inferior；　and　I；　as　much　as　any　other　man；　am　in　favor　of　having　the

superior　position　assigned　to　the　white　race。　I　say　upon　this

occasion　I　do　not　perceive　that　because　the　white　man　is　to　have　the

superior　position；　the　negro　should　be　denied　everything。　　I　do　not

understand　that　because　I　do　not　want　a　negro　woman　for　a　slave；　I

must　necessarily　want　her　for　a　wife。　　My　understanding　is　that　I　can

just　let　her　alone。　I　am　now　in　my　fiftieth　year；　and　I　certainly

never　have　had　a　black　woman　for　either　a　slave　or　a　wife。　　So　it

seems　to　me　quite　possible　for　us　to　get　along　without　making　either

slaves　or　wives　of　negroes。　　I　will　add　to　this　that　I　have　never

seen；　to　my　knowledge；　a　man；　woman；　or　child；　who　was　in　favor　of

producing　perfect　equality；　social　and　political；　between　negroes　and

white　men。　　I　recollect　of　but　one　distinguished　instance　that　I　ever

heard　of　so　frequently　as　to　be　satisfied　of　its　correctness；　and

that　is　the　case　of　Judge　Douglas's　old　friend　Colonel　Richard　M。

Johnson。　　I　will　also　add　to　the　remarks　I　have　made　（for　I　am　not

going　to　enter　at　large　upon　this　subject；　that　I　have　never　had　the

least　apprehension　that　I　or　my　friends　would　marry　negroes；　if　there

was　no　law　to　keep　them　from　it；　but　as　judge　Douglas　and　his　friends

seem　to　be　in　great　apprehension　that　they　might；　if　there　were　no

law　to　keep　them　from　it；　I　give　him　the　most　solemn　pledge　that　I

will　to　the　very　last　stand　by　the　law　of　the　State　which　forbids　the

marrying　of　white　people　with　negroes。〃



There；　my　friends；　you　have　briefly　what　I　have；　upon　former

occasions；　said　upon　this　subject　to　which　this　newspaper；　to　the

extent　of　its　ability；　has　drawn　the　public　attention。　　In　it　you　not

only　perceive；　as　a　probability；　that　in　that　contest　I　did　not　at

any　time　say　I　was　in　favor　of　negro　suffrage；　but　the　absolute　proof

that　twiceonce　substantially；　and　once　expresslyI　declared

against　it。　　Having　shown　you　this；　there　remains　but　a　word　of

comment　upon　that　newspaper　article。　　It　is　this；　that　I　presume　the

editor　of　that　paper　is　an　honest　and　truth…loving　man；　and　that　he

will　be　greatly　obliged　to　me　for　furnishing　him　thus　early　an

opportunity　to　correct　the　misrepresentation　he　has　made；　before　it

has　run　so　long　that　malicious　people　can　call　him　a　liar。



The　Giant　himself　has　been　here　recently。　　I　have　seen　a　brief　report

of　his　speech。　　If　it　were　otherwise　unpleasant　to　me　to　introduce

the　subject　of　the　negro　as　a　topic　for　discussion；　I　might　be

somewhat　relieved　by　the　fact　that　he　dealt　exclusively　in　that

subject　while　he　was　here。　　I　shall；　therefore；　without　much

hesitation　or　diffidence；　enter　upon　this　subject。



The　American　people；　on　the　first　day　of　January；　1854；　found　the

African　slave　trade　prohibited　by　a　law　of　Congress。　　In　a　majority

of　the　States　of　this　Union；　they　found　African　slavery；　or　any　other

sort　of　slavery；　prohibited　by　State　constitutions。　　They　also　found

a　law　existing；　supposed　to　be　valid；　by　which　slavery　was　excluded

from　almost　all　the　territory　the　United　States　then　owned。　　This　was

the　condition　of　the　country；　with　reference　to　the　institution　of

slavery；　on　the　first　of　January；　1854。　　A　few　days　after　that；　a

bill　was　introduced　into　Congress；　which　ran　through　its　regular

course　in　the　two　branches　of　the　national　legislature；　and　finally

passed　into　a　law　in　the　month　of　May；　by　which　the　Act　of　Congress

prohibiting　slavery　from　going　into　the　Territories　of　the　United

States　was　repealed。　　In　connection　with　the　law　itself；　and；　in

fact；　in　the　terms　of　the　law；　the　then　existing　prohibition　was　not

only　repealed；　but　there　was　a　declaration　of　a　purpose　on　the　part

of　Congress　never　thereafter　to　exercise　any　power　that　they　might

have；　real　or　supposed；　to　prohibit　the　extension　or　spread　of

slavery。　This　was　a　very　great　change；　for　the　law　thus　repealed　was

of　more　than　thirty　years'　standing。　　Following　rapidly　upon　the

heels　of　this　action　of　Congress；　a　decision　of　the　Supreme　Court　is

made；　by　which　it　is　declared　that　Congress；　if　it　desires　to

prohibit　the　spread　of　slavery　into　the　Territories；　has　no

constitutional　power　to　do　so。　　Not　only　so；　but　that　decision　lays

down　principles　which；　if　pushed　to　their　logical　conclusion；I　say

pushed　to　their　logical　conclusion；would　decide　that　the

constitutions　of　free　States；　forbidding　slavery；　are　themselves

unconstitutional。　　Mark　me；　I　do　not　say　the　judges　said　this；　and

let　no　man　say　I　affirm　the　judges　used　these　words；　but　I　only　say

it　is　my　opinion　that　what　they　did　say；　if　pressed　to　its　logical

conclusion；　will　inevitably　result　thus。



Looking　at　these　things；　the　Republican　party；　as　I　understand　its

principles　and　policy；　believes　that　there　is　great　danger　of　the

institution　of　slavery　being　spread　out　and　extended　until　it　is

ultimately　made　alike　lawful　in　all　the　States　of　this　Union；　so

believing；　to　prevent　that　incidental　and　ultimate　consummation　is

the　original　and　chief　purpose　of　the　Republican　organization。　I　say

〃chief　purpose〃　of　the　Republican　organization；　for　it　is　certainly

true　that　if　the　National　House　shall　fall　into　the　hands　of　the

Republicans；　they　will　have　to　attend　to　all　the　other　matters　of

national　house…keeping；　as　well　as　this。　　The　chief　and　real　purpose

of　the　Republican　party　is　eminently　conservative。　　It　proposes

nothing　save　and　except　to　restore　this　government　to　its　original

tone　in　regard　to　this　element　of　slavery；　and　there　to　maintain　it；

looking　for　no　further　change　in　reference　to　it　than　that　which　the

original　framers　of　the　Government　themselves　expected　and　looked

forward　to。



The　chief　danger　to　this　purpose　of　the　Republican　party　is　not　just

now　the　revival　of　the　African　slave　trade；　or　the　passage　of　a

Congressional　slave　code；　or　the　declaring　of　a　second　Dred　Scott

decision；　making　slavery　lawful　in　all　the　States。　　These　are　not

pressing　us　just　now。　　They　are　not　quite　ready　yet。　　The　authors　of

these　measures　know　that　we　are　too　strong　for　them；　but　they　will　be

upon　us　in　due　time；　and　we　will　be　grappling　with　them　hand　to　hand；

if　they　are　not　now　headed　off。　　They　are　not　now　the　chief　danger　to

the　purpose　of　the　Republican　organization；　but　the　most　imminent

danger　that　now　threatens　that　purpose　is　that　insidious　Douglas

popular　sovereignty。　　This　is　the　miner　and　sapper。　　While　it　does

not　propose　to　revive　the　African　slave　trade；　nor　to　pass　a　slave

code；　nor　to　make　a　second　Dred　Scott　decision；　it　is　preparing　us

for　the　onslaught　and　charge　of　these　ultimate　enemies　when　they

shall　be　ready　to　come　on；　and　the　word　of　command　for　them　to

advance　shall　be　given。　　I　say　this　〃Douglas　popular　sovereignty〃；

for　there　is　a　broad　distinction；　as　I　now　understand　it；　between

that　article　and　a　genuine　popular　sovereignty。



I　believe　there　is　a　genuine　popular　sovereignty。　　I　think　a

definition　of　〃genuine　popular　sovereignty；〃　in　the　abstract；　would

be　about　this：　That　each　man　shall　do　precisely　as　he　pleases　wi