the writings-5-第5章

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Massachusetts　is　a　sovereign　and　independent　State；　and　it　is　no

privilege　of　mine　to　scold　her　for　what　she　does。　　Still；　if　from

what　she　has　done　an　inference　is　sought　to　be　drawn　as　to　what　I

would　do；　I　may　without　impropriety　speak　out。　　I　say；　then；　that；　as

I　understand　the　Massachusetts　provision；　I　am　against　its　adoption

in　Illinois；　or　in　any　other　place　where　I　have　a　right　to　oppose　it。

Understanding　the　spirit　of　our　institutions　to　aim　at　the　elevation

of　men；　I　am　opposed　to　whatever　tends　to　degrade　them。　　I　have　some

little　notoriety　for　commiserating　the　oppressed　negro；　and　I　should

be　strangely　inconsistent　if　I　could　favor　any　project　for　curtailing

the　existing　rights　of　white　men；　even　though　born　in　different

lands；　and　speaking　different　languages　from　myself。　　As　to　the

matter　of　fusion；　I　am　for　it　if　it　can　be　had　on　Republican　grounds；

and　I　am　not　for　it　on　any　other　terms。　　A　fusion　on　any　other　terms

would　be　as　foolish　as　unprincipled。　　It　would　lose　the　whole　North；

while　the　common　enemy　would　still　carry　the　whole　South。　　The

question　of　men　is　a　different　one。　　There　are　good；　patriotic　men

and　able　statesmen　in　the　South　whom　I　would　cheerfully　support；　if

they　would　now　place　themselves　on　Republican　ground；　but　I　am

against　letting　down　the　Republican　standard　a　hairsbreadth。



I　have　written　this　hastily；　but　I　believe　it　answers　your　questions

substantially。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　THE　GOVERNOR；　AUDITOR；　AND　TREASURER　OF　THE　STATE　OF　ILLINOIS。



GENTLEMEN：



In　reply　to　your　inquiry；　requesting　our　written　opinion　as　to　what

your　duty　requires　you　to　do　in　executing　the　latter　clause　of　the

Seventh　Section　of　〃An　Act　in　relation　to　the　payment　of　the

principal　and　interest　of　the　State　debt；〃　approved　Feb'y　22；　1859；

we　reply　that　said　last　clause　of　said　section　is　certainly

indefinite；　general；　and　ambiguous　in　its　description　of　the　bonds　to

be　issued　by　you；　giving　no　time　at　which　the　bonds　are　to　be　made

payable；　no　place　at　which　either　principal　or　interest　are　to　be

paid；　and　no　rate　of　interest　which　the　bonds　are　to　bear；　nor　any

other　description　except　that　they　are　to　be　coupon　bonds；　which　in

commercial　usage　means　interest…paying　bonds　with　obligations　or

orders　attached　to　them　for　the　payment　of　annual　or　semiannual

interest；　there　is　we　suppose　no　difficulty　in　ascertaining；　if　this

act　stood　alone；　what　ought　to　be　the　construction　of　the　terms

〃coupon　bonds〃　and　that　it；　would　mean　bonds　bearing　interest　from

the　time　of　issuing　the　same。　　And　under　this　act　considered　by

itself　the　creditors　would　have　a　right　to　require　such　bonds。　　But

your　inquiry　in　regard　to　a　class　of　bonds　on　which　no　interest　is　to

be　paid　or　shall　begin　to　run　until　January　1　；　1860；　is　whether　the

Act　of　February　18；　1857；　would　not　authorize　you　to　refuse　to　give

bonds　with　any　coupons　attached　payable　before　the　first　day　of　July；

1860。　We　have　very　maturely　considered　this　question　and　have　arrived

at　the　conclusion　that　you　have　a　right　to　use　such　measures　as　will

secure　the　State　against　the　loss　of　six　months'　interest　on　these

bonds　by　the　indefiniteness　of　the　Act　of　1859。　While　it　cannot　be

denied　that　the　letter　of　the　laws　favor　the　construction　claimed　by

some　of　the　creditors　that　interest…bearing　bonds　were　required　to　be

issued　to　them；　inasmuch　as　the　restriction　that　no　interest　is　to

run　on　said　bonds　unti1　1st　January；　1860；　relates　solely　to　the

bonds　issued　under　the　Act　of　1857。　　And　the　Act　of　1859　directing

you　to　issue　new　bonds　does　not　contain　this　restriction；　but　directs

you　to　issue　coupon　bonds。　　Nevertheless　the　very　indefiniteness　and

generality　of　the　Act　of　1859；　giving　no　rate　of　interest；　no　time

due；　no　place　of　payment；　no　postponement　of　the　time　when　interest

commences；　necessarily　implies　that　the　Legislature　intended　to

invest　you　with　a　discretion　to　impose　such　terms　and　restrictions　as

would　protect　the　interest　of　the　State；　and　we　think　you　have　a

right　and　that　it　is　your　duty　to　see　that　the　State　Bonds　are　so

issued　that　the　State　shall　not　lose　six　months'　interest。　　Two　plans

present　themselves　either　of　which　will　secure　the　State。　　1st。　If　in

literal　compliance　with　the　law　you　issue　bonds　bearing　interest　from

1st　July；　1859；　you　may　deduct　from　the　bonds　presented　three

thousand　from　every　100；000　of　bonds　and　issue　97；000　of　coupon

bonds；　by　this　plan　3000　out　of　100；000　of　principal　would　be

extinguished　in　consideration　of　paying　2910　interest　on　the　first

of　January；　1860and　the　interest　on　the　3000　would　forever　cease；

this　would　be　no　doubt　most　advantageous　to　the　State。　　But　if　the

Auditor　will　not　consent　to　this；　then；　　2nd。　Cut　off　of　each　bond

all　the　coupons　payable　before　1st　July；　1860。



One　of　these　plans　would　undoubtedly　have　been　prescribed　by　the

Legislature　if　its　attention　had　been　directed　to　this　question。



May　28；　1859。









ON　LINCOLN'S　SCRAP　BOOK



TO　H。　C。　WHITNEY。



SPRINGFIELD；　　December　25；　1858。



H。　C。　WHITNEY；　ESQ。



MY　DEAR　SIR：I　have　just　received　yours　of　the　23rd　inquiring

whether　I　received　the　newspapers　you　sent　me　by　express。　　I　did

receive　them；　and　am　very　much　obliged。　　There　is　some　probability

that　my　scrap…book　will　be　reprinted；　and　if　it　shall；　I　will　save

you　a　copy。



Your　friend　as　ever；



A。　LINCOLN。











1859







FIRST　SUGGESTION　OF　A　PRESIDENTIAL　OFFER。



TO　S。　GALLOWAY。



SPRINGFIELD；　ILL。；　July　28；　1859。



HON。　SAMUEL　GALLOWAY。



MY　DEAR　SIR：Your　very　complimentary；　not　to　say　flattering；　letter

of　the　23d　inst。　is　received。　　Dr。　Reynolds　had　induced　me　to　expect

you　here；　and　I　was　disappointed　not　a　little　by　your　failure　to

come。　　And　yet　I　fear　you　have　formed　an　estimate　of　me　which　can

scarcely　be　sustained　on　a　personal　acquaintance。



Two　things　done　by　the　Ohio　Republican　conventionthe　repudiation　of

Judge　Swan；　and　the　〃plank〃　for　a　repeal　of　the　Fugitive　Slave　LawI

very　much　regretted。　　These　two　things　are　of　a　piece；　and　they　are

viewed　by　many　good　men；　sincerely　opposed　to　slavery；　as　a　struggle

against；　and　in　disregard　of；　the　Constitution　itself。　　And　it　is　the

very　thing　that　will　greatly　endanger　our　cause；　if　it　be　not　kept

out　of　our　national　convention。　　There　is　another　thing　our　friends

are　doing　which　gives　me　some　uneasiness。　　It　is　their　leaning　toward

〃popular　sovereignty。〃　There　are　three　substantial　objections　to

this：　First；　no　party　can　command　respect　which　sustains　this　year

what　it　opposed　last。　　Secondly；　Douglas　（who　is　the　most　dangerous

enemy　of　liberty；　because　the　most　insidious　one）　would　have　little

support　in　the　North；　and　by　consequence；　no　capital　to　trade　on　in

the　South；　if　it　were　not　for　his　friends　thus　magnifying　him　and　his

humbug。　　But　lastly；　and　chiefly；　Douglas's　popular　sovereignty；

accepted　by　the　public　mind　as　a　just　principle；　nationalizes

slavery；　and　revives　the　African　slave　trade　inevitably。



Taking　slaves　into　new　Territories；　and　buying　slaves　in　Africa；　are

identical　things；　identical　rights　or　identical　wrongs；　and　the

argument　which　establishes　one　will　establish　the　other。　　Try　a

thousand　years　for　a　sound　reason　why　Congress　shall　not　hinder　the

people　of　Kansas　from　having　slaves；　and；　when　you　have　found　it；　it

will　be　an　equally　good　one　why　Congress　should　not　hinder　the　people

of　Georgia　from　importing　slaves　from　Africa。



As　to　Governor　Chase；　I　have　a　kind　side　for　him。　　He　was　one　of　the

few　distinguished　men　of　the　nation　who　gave　us；　in　Illinois；　their

sympathy　last　year。　　I　never　saw　him；　but　suppose　him　to　be　able　and

right…minded；　but　still　he　may　not　be　the　most　suitable　as　a

candidate　for　the　Presidency。



I　must　say　I　do　not　think　myself　fit　for　the　Presidency。　　As　you

propose　a　correspondence　with　me；　I　shall　look　for　your　letters

anxiously。



I　have　not　met　Dr。　Reynolds　since　receiving　your　letter；　but　when　I

shall；　I　will　present　your　respects　as　requested。



Yours　very　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









IT　IS　BAD　TO　BE　POOR。



TO　HAWKINS　TAYLOR



SPRINGFIELD；　ILL。　Sept。　6；　1859。



HAWKINS　TAYLOR；　Esq。



DEAR　SIR：Yours　of　the　3d　is　just　received。　　There　is　some　mistake

about　my　expected　attendance　of　the　U。S。　Court　in　your　city　on　the　3d

Tuesday　of　this　month。　　I　have　had　no　thought　of　being　there。



It　is　bad　to　be　poor。　　I　shall　go　to　the　wall　for　bread　and　meat　if　I

neglect　my　business　this　year　as　well　as　last。　　It　would　please　me

much　to　see　the　city　and　good　people　of　Keokuk；　but　for　this　year　it

is　little　less　than　an　impossibility。　　I　am　constantly　receiving

invitations　which　I　am　compelled　to　decline。　　I　was　pressingly　urged

to　go　to　Minnesota；　and　I　now　have　two　invitations　to　go　to　Ohio。

These　last　are　prompted　by　Douglas　going　there；　and　I　am　really

tempted　to　make　a　flying　trip　to　Columbus　and　Cincinnati。



I　do　hope　you　will　have　no　serious　trouble　in　Iowa。　　What　thinks

Grimes　about　it？　I　have　not　known　him　to　be　mistaken　about　an

election　in　Iowa。　　Present　my　respects　to　Col。　　Carter；　and　any　other

friends；　and　believe　me



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









SPEECH　AT　COLUMBUS；　OHIO。



SEPTEMBER　16；　1859。



FELLOW…CITIZENS　OF　THE　STATE　OF　OHIO：　I　cannot　fail　to　remember　that

I　appear　for　the　first　time　before　an　audience　in　this　now　great

State；an　audience　that　is　accustomed　to　hear　such　speakers　as

Corwin；　and　Chase；　and　Wade；　and　many　other　renowned　men；　and；

remembering　this；　I　feel　that　it　will　be　well　for　you；　as　for　me；

that　you　should　not　raise　your　expectations　to　that　standard　to　which

you　would　have　been　justified　in　raising　them　had　one　of　these

distinguished　men　appeared　before　you。　　You　would　perhaps　be　only

preparing　a　disappointment　for　yourselves；　and；　as　a　consequence　of

your　disappointment；　mortification　to　me。　　I　hope；　therefore；　that

you　will　commence　with　very　moderate　expectations；　and　perhaps；　if

you　will　give　me　your　attention；　I　shall　be　able　to　interest　you　to　a

moderate　degree。



Appearing　here　for　the　first　time　in　my　life；　I　have　been　somewhat

embarrassed　for　a　topic　by　way　of　introduction　to　my　speech；　but　I

have　been　relieved　from　that　embarrassment　by　an　introduction　which

the　Ohio　Statesman　newspaper　gave　me　this　morning。　　In　this　paper　I

have　read　an　article；　in　which；　among　other　statements；　I　find　the

following：



〃In　debating　with　Senator　Douglas　during　the　memorable　contest　of

last　fall；　Mr。　Lincoln　declared　in　favor　of　negro　suffrage；　and

attempted　to　defend　that　vile　conception　against　the　Little　Giant。〃



I　mention　this　now；　at　the　opening　of　my　remarks；　for　the　purpose　of

making　three　comments　upon　it。　　The　first　I　have　already　announced；

it　furnishes