the writings-5-第8章

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thereafter；　that　it　is　one　of　those　little　things　that　is　so　trivial

in　its　nature　that　it　has　nor　effect　upon　anybody　save　the　few　men

who　first　plant　upon　the　soil；　that　it　is　not　a　thing　which　in　any

way　affects　the　family　of　communities　composing　these　States；　nor　any

way　endangers　the　General　Government。　Judge　Douglas　ignores

altogether　the　very　well　known　fact　that　we　have　never　had　a　serious

menace　to　our　political　existence；　except　it　sprang　from　this　thing；

which　he　chooses　to　regard　as　only　upon　a　par　with　onions　and

potatoes。



Turn　it；　and　contemplate　it　in　another　view。　　He　says　that；　according

to　his　popular　sovereignty；　the　General　Government　may　give　to　the

Territories　governors；　judges；　marshals；　secretaries；　and　all　the

other　chief　men　to　govern　them；　but　they；　must　not　touch　upon　this

other　question。　　Why？　　The　question　of　who　shall　be　governor　of　a

Territory　for　a　year　or　two；　and　pass　away；　without　his　track　being

left　upon　the　soil；　or　an　act　which　he　did　for　good　or　for　evil　being

left　behind；　is　a　question　of　vast　national　magnitude；　it　is　so　much

opposed　in　its　nature　to　locality　that　the　nation　itself　must　decide

it：　while　this　other　matter　of　planting　slavery　upon　a　soil；a　thing

which；　once　planted；　cannot　be　eradicated　by　the　succeeding　millions

who　have　as　much　right　there　as　the　first　comers；　or；　if　eradicated；

not　without　infinite　difficulty　and　a　long　struggle；　he　considers　the

power　to　prohibit　it　as　one　of　these　little　local；　trivial　things

that　the　nation　ought　not　to　say　a　word　about；　that　it　affects　nobody

save　the　few　men　who　are　there。



Take　these　two　things　and　consider　them　together；　present　the

question　of　planting　a　State　with　the　institution　of　slavery　by　the

side　of　a　question　who　shall　be　Governor　of　Kansas　for　a　year　or　two；

and　is　there　a　man　here；　is　there　a　man　on　earth；　who　would　not　say

the　governor　question　is　the　little　one；　and　the　slavery　question　is

the　great　one？　　I　ask　any　honest　Democrat　if　the　small；　the　local；

and　the　trivial　and　temporary　question　is　not；　Who　shall　be　governor？

while　the　durable；　the　important；　and　the　mischievous　one　is；　Shall

this　soil　be　planted　with　slavery？



This　is　an　idea；　I　suppose；　which　has　arisen　in　Judge　Douglas's　mind

from　his　peculiar　structure。　　I　suppose　the　institution　of　slavery

really　looks　small　to　him。　　He　is　so　put　up　by　nature　that　a　lash

upon　his　back　would　hurt　him；　but　a　lash　upon　anybody　else's　back

does　not　hurt　him。　　That　is　the　build　of　the　man；　and　consequently　he

looks　upon　the　matter　of　slavery　in　this　unimportant　light。



Judge　Douglas　ought　to　remember；　when　he　is　endeavoring　to　force　this

policy　upon　the　American　people；　that　while　he　is　put　up　in　that　way；

a　good　many　are　not。　　He　ought　to　remember　that　there　was　once　in

this　country　a　man　by　the　name　of　Thomas　Jefferson；　supposed　to　be　a

Democrat；a　man　whose　principles　and　policy　are　not　very　prevalent

amongst　Democrats　to…day；　it　is　true；　but　that　man　did　not　take

exactly　this　view　of　the　insignificance　of　the　element　of　slavery

which　our　friend　judge　Douglas　does。　　In　contemplation　of　this　thing；

we　all　know　he　was　led　to　exclaim；　〃I　tremble　for　my　country　when　I

remember　that　God　is　just！〃　　We　know　how　he　looked　upon　it　when　he

thus　expressed　himself。　　There　was　danger　to　this　country；danger　of

the　avenging　justice　of　God；　in　that　little　unimportant　popular

sovereignty　question　of　judge　Douglas。　　He　supposed　there　was　a

question　of　God's　eternal　justice　wrapped　up　in　the　enslaving　of　any

race　of　men；　or　any　man；　and　that　those　who　did　so　braved　the　arm　of

Jehovah；　that　when　a　nation　thus　dared　the　Almighty；　every　friend　of

that　nation　had　cause　to　dread　his　wrath。　　Choose　ye　between

Jefferson　and　Douglas　as　to　what　is　the　true　view　of　this　element

among　us。



There　is　another　little　difficulty　about　this　matter　of　treating　the

Territories　and　States　alike　in　all　things；　to　which　I　ask　your

attention；　and　I　shall　leave　this　branch　of　the　case。　　If　there　is　no

difference　between　them；　why　not　make　the　Territories　States　at　once？

What　is　the　reason　that　Kansas　was　not　fit　to　come　into　the　Union

when　it　was　organized　into　a　Territory；　in　Judge　Douglas's　view？　　Can

any　of　you　tell　any　reason　why　it　should　not　have　come　into　the　Union

at　once？　　They　are　fit；　as　he　thinks；　to　decide　upon　the　slavery

question；the　largest　and　most　important　with　which　they　could

possibly　deal：　what　could　they　do　by　coming　into　the　Union　that　they

are　not　fit　to　do；　according　to　his　view；　by　staying　out　of　it？　　Oh；

they　are　not　fit　to　sit　in　Congress　and　decide　upon　the　rates　of

postage；　or　questions　of　ad　valorem　or　specific　duties　on　foreign

goods；　or　live…oak　timber　contracts；　they　are　not　fit　to　decide　these

vastly　important　matters；　which　are　national　in　their　import；　but

they　are　fit；　〃from　the　jump；〃　to　decide　this　little　negro　question。

But；　gentlemen；　the　case　is　too　plain；　I　occupy　too　much　time　on　this

head；　and　I　pass　on。



Near　the　close　of　the　copyright　essay；　the　judge；　I　think；　comes　very

near　kicking　his　own　fat　into　the　fire。　I　did　not　think；　when　I

commenced　these　remarks；　that　I　would　read　that　article；　but　I　now

believe　I　will：



〃This　exposition　of　the　history　of　these　measures　shows　conclusively

that　the　authors　of　the　Compromise　measures　of　1850　and　of　the

Kansas…Nebraska　Act　of　1854；　as　well　as　the　members　of　the

Continental　Congress　of　1774。；　and　the　founders　of　our　system　of

government　subsequent　to　the　Revolution；　regarded　the　people　of　the

Territories　and　Colonies　as　political　communities　which　were　entitled

to　a　free　and　exclusive　power　of　legislation　in　their　provisional

legislatures；　where　their　representation　could　alone　be　preserved；　in

all　cases　of　taxation　and　internal　polity。〃



When　the　judge　saw　that　putting　in　the　word　〃slavery〃　would

contradict　his　own　history；　he　put　in　what　he　knew　would　pass

synonymous　with　it；〃internal　polity。〃　　Whenever　we　find　that　in　one

of　his　speeches；　the　substitute　is　used　in　this　manner；　and　I　can

tell　you　the　reason。　　It　would　be　too　bald　a　contradiction　to　say

slavery；　but　〃internal　polity〃　is　a　general　phrase；　which　would　pass

in　some　quarters；　and　which　he　hopes　will　pass　with　the　reading

community　for　the　same　thing。



〃This　right　pertains　to　the　people　collectively；　as　a　law…abiding　and

peaceful　community；　and　not　in　the　isolated　individuals　who　may

wander　upon　the　public　domain　in　violation　of　the　law。　It　can　only　be

exercised　where　there　are　inhabitants　sufficient　to　constitute　a

government；　and　capable　of　performing　its　various　functions　and

duties；a　fact　to　be　ascertained　and　determined　by　〃who　do　you

think？　　Judge　Douglas　says　〃by　Congress！〃　　〃Whether　the　number　shall

be　fixed　at　ten；　fifteen　or　twenty　thousand　inhabitants；　does　not

affect　the　principle。〃



Now；　I　have　only　a　few　comments　to　make。　Popular　sovereignty；　by　his

own　words；　does　not　pertain　to　the　few　persons　who　wander　upon　the

public　domain　in　violation　of　law。　　We　have　his　words　for　that。　　When

it　does　pertain　to　them；　is　when　they　are　sufficient　to　be　formed

into　an　organized　political　community；　and　he　fixes　the　minimum　for

that　at　ten　thousand；　and　the　maximum　at　twenty　thousand。　　Now；　I

would　like　to　know　what　is　to　be　done　with　the　nine　thousand？　　Are

they　all　to　be　treated；　until　they　are　large　enough　to　be　organized

into　a　political　community；　as　wanderers　upon　the　public　land；　in

violation　of　law？　　And　if　so　treated　and　driven　out；　at　what　point　of

time　would　there　ever　be　ten　thousand？　　If　they　were　not　driven　out；

but　remained　there　as　trespassers　upon　the　public　land　in　violation

of　the　law；　can　they　establish　slavery　there？　　No；　the　judge　says

popular　sovereignty　don't　pertain　to　them　then。　　Can　they　exclude　it

then？　　No；　popular　sovereignty　don't　pertain　to　them　then。　　I　would

like　to　know；　in　the　case　covered　by　the　essay；　what　condition　the

people　of　the　Territory　are　in　before　they　reach　the　number　of　ten

thousand？



But　the　main　point　I　wish　to　ask　attention　to　is；　that　the　question

as　to　when　they　shall　have　reached　a　sufficient　number　to　be　formed

into　a　regular　organized　community　is　to　be　decided　〃by　Congress。〃

Judge　Douglas　says　so。　　Well；　gentlemen；　that　is　about　all　we　want。

No；　that　is　all　the　Southerners　want。　　That　is　what　all　those　who　are

for　slavery　want。　　They　do　not　want　Congress　to　prohibit　slavery　from

coming　into　the　new　Territories；　and　they　do　not　want　popular

sovereignty　to　hinder　it；　and　as　Congress　is　to　say　when　they　are

ready　to　be　organized；　all　that　the　South　has　to　do　is　to　get

Congress　to　hold　off。　　Let　Congress　hold　off　until　they　are　ready　to

be　admitted　as　a　State；　and　the　South　has　all　it　wants　in　taking

slavery　into　and　planting　it　in　all　the　Territories　that　we　now　have

or　hereafter　may　have。　　In　a　word；　the　whole　thing；　at　a　dash　of　the

pen；　is　at　last　put　in　the　power　of　Congress；　for　if　they　do　not　have

this　popular　sovereignty　until　Congress　organizes　them；　I　ask　if　it

at　last　does　not　come　from　Congress？　　If；　at　last；　it　amounts　to

anything　at　all；　Congress　gives　it　to　them。　　I　submit　this　rather　for

your　reflection　than　for　comment。　　After　all　that　is　said；　at　last；

by　a　dash　of　the　pen；　everything　that　has　gone　before　is　undone；　and

he　puts　the　whole　question　under　the　control　of　Congress。　　After

fighting　through　more　than　three　hours；　if　you　undertake　to　read　it；

he　at　last　places　the　whole　matter　under　the　control　of　that　power

which　he　has　been　contending　against；　and　arrives　at　a　result

directly　contrary　to　what　he　had　been　laboring　to　do。　　He　at　last

leaves　the　whole　matter　to　the　control　of　Congress。



There　are　two　main　objects；　as　I　understand　it；　of　this　Harper's

Magazine　essay。　One　was　to　show；　if　possible；　that　the　men　of　our

Revolutionary　times　were　in　favor　of　his　popular　sovereignty；　and　the

other　was　to　show　that　the　Dred　Scott　decision　had　not　entirely

squelched　out　this　popular　sovereignty。　　I　do　not　propose；　in　regard

to　this　argument　drawn　from　the　history　of　former　times；　to　enter

into　a　detailed　examination　of　the　historical　statements　he　has　made。

I　have　the　impression　that　they　are　inaccurate　in　a　great　many

instances；sometimes　in　positive　statement；　but　very　much　more

inaccurate　by　the　suppression　of　statements　that　really　belong　to　the

history。　　But　I　do　not　propose　to　affirm　that　this　is　so　to　any　very

great　extent；　or　to　enter　into　a　very　minute　examination　of　his

historical　statements。　　I　avoid　doing　so　upon　this　principle；that

if　it　were　important　for　me　to　pass　out　of　this　lot　in　the　least

period　of　time　possible；　and　I　came　to　that　fence；　and　saw　by　a

calculation　of　my　known　strength　and　agility　that　I　could　clear　it　at

a　bound；　it　would　be　folly　for　me　to　stop　and　consider　whether　I

could　or　not　crawl　through　a　crack。　　So　I　say　of　the　whole　history