the writings-4-第10章

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acquired　should　be　brought　in　upon　condition　that　slavery　should　be

forever　prohibited　therein；　upon　the　terms　and　in　the　language　that

slavery　had　been　prohibited　from　coming　into　this　country。　　That　was

insisted　upon　constantly　and　never　failed　to　call　forth　an　assurance

that　any　territory　thus　acquired　should　have　that　prohibition　in　it；

so　far　as　the　House　of　Representatives　was　concerned。　　But　at　last

the　President　and　Senate　acquired　the　territory　without　asking　the

House　of　Representatives　anything　about　it；　and　took　it　without　that

prohibition。　　They　have　the　power　of　acquiring　territory　without　the

immediate　representatives　of　the　people　being　called　upon　to　say

anything　about　it；　and　thus　furnishing　a　very　apt　and　powerful　means

of　bringing　new　territory　into　the　Union；　and；　when　it　is　once

brought　into　the　country；　involving　us　anew　in　this　slavery

agitation。　　It　is　therefore；　as　I　think；　a　very　important　question

for　due　consideration　of　the　American　people；　whether　the　policy　of

bringing　in　additional　territory；　without　considering　at　all　how　it

will　operate　upon　the　safety　of　the　Union　in　reference　to　this　one

great　disturbing　element　in　our　national　politics；　shall　be　adopted

as　the　policy　of　the　country。　　You　will　bear　in　mind　that　it　is　to　be

acquired；　according　to　the　Judge's　view；　as　fast　as　it　is　needed；　and

the　indefinite　part　of　this　proposition　is　that　we　have　only　Judge

Douglas　and　his　class　of　men　to　decide　how　fast　it　is　needed。　　We

have　no　clear　and　certain　way　of　determining　or　demonstrating　how

fast　territory　is　needed　by　the　necessities　of　the　country。　　Whoever

wants　to　go　out　filibustering；　then；　thinks　that　more　territory　is

needed。　　Whoever　wants　wider　slave…fields　feels　sure　that　some

additional　territory　is　needed　as　slave　territory。　　Then　it　is　as

easy　to　show　the　necessity　of　additional　slave…territory　as　it　is　to

assert　anything　that　is　incapable　of　absolute　demonstration。

Whatever　motive　a　man　or　a　set　of　men　may　have　for　making　annexation

of　property　or　territory；　it　is　very　easy　to　assert；　but　much　less

easy　to　disprove；　that　it　is　necessary　for　the　wants　of　the　country。



And　now　it　only　remains　for　me　to　say　that　I　think　it　is　a　very　grave

question　for　the　people　of　this　Union　to　consider；　whether；　in　view

of　the　fact　that　this　slavery　question　has　been　the　only　one　that　has

ever　endangered　our　Republican　institutions；　the　only　one　that　has

ever　threatened　or　menaced　a　dissolution　of　the　Union；　that　has　ever

disturbed　us　in　such　a　way　as　to　make　us　fear　for　the　perpetuity　of

our　liberty；in　view　of　these　facts；　I　think　it　is　an　exceedingly

interesting　and　important　question　for　this　people　to　consider

whether　we　shall　engage　in　the　policy　of　acquiring　additional

territory；　discarding　altogether　from　our　consideration；　while

obtaining　new　territory；　the　question　how　it　may　affect　us　in　regard

to　this；　the　only　endangering　element　to　our　liberties　and　national

greatness。　　The　Judge's　view　has　been　expressed。　　I；　in　my　answer　to

his　question；　have　expressed　mine。　　I　think　it　will　become　an

important　and　practical　question。　　Our　views　are　before　the　public。

I　am　willing　and　anxious　that　they　should　consider　them　fully；　that

they　should　turn　it　about　and　consider　the　importance　of　the

question；　and　arrive　at　a　just　conclusion　as　to　whether　it　is　or　is

not　wise　in　the　people　of　this　Union；　in　the　acquisition　of　new

territory；　to　consider　whether　it　will　add　to　the　disturbance　that　is

existing　amongst　uswhether　it　will　add　to　the　one　only　danger　that

has　ever　threatened　the　perpetuity　of　the　Union　or　our　own　liberties。

I　think　it　is　extremely　important　that　they　shall　decide；　and　rightly

decide；　that　question　before　entering　upon　that　policy。



And　now；　my　friends；　having　said　the　little　I　wish　to　say　upon　this

head；　whether　I　have　occupied　the　whole　of　the　remnant　of　my　time　or

not；　I　believe　I　could　not　enter　upon　any　new　topic　so　as　to　treat　it

fully；　without　transcending　my　time；　which　I　would　not　for　a　moment

think　of　doing。　　I　give　way　to　Judge　Douglas。









SIXTH　JOINT　DEBATE；



AT　QUINCY；　OCTOBER　13；　1858。



LADIES　AND　GENTLEMEN：　I　have　had　no　immediate　conference　with　Judge

Douglas；　but　I　will　venture　to　say　that　he　and　I　will　perfectly　agree

that　your　entire　silence；　both　when　I　speak　and　when　he　speaks；　will

be　most　agreeable　to　us。



In　the　month　of　May；　1856；　the　elements　in　the　State　of　Illinois

which　have　since　been　consolidated　into　the　Republican　party

assembled　together　in　a　State　Convention　at　Bloomington。　　They

adopted　at　that　time　what；　in　political　language；　is　called　a

platform。　　In　June　of　the　same　year　the　elements　of　the　Republican

party　in　the　nation　assembled　together　in　a　National　Convention　at

Philadelphia。　　They　adopted　what　is　called　the　National　Platform。　　In

June；　1858；the　present　year；the　Republicans　of　Illinois

reassembled　at　Springfield；　in　State　Convention；　and　adopted　again

their　platform；　as　I　suppose　not　differing　in　any　essential

particular　from　either　of　the　former　ones；　but　perhaps　adding

something　in　relation　to　the　new　developments　of　political　progress

in　the　country。



The　Convention　that　assembled　in　June　last　did　me　the　honor；　if　it　be

one；　and　I　esteem　it　such；　to　nominate　me　as　their　candidate　for　the

United　States　Senate。　　I　have　supposed　that；　in　entering　upon　this

canvass；　I　stood　generally　upon　these　platforms。　　We　are　now　met

together　on　the　13th　of　October　of　the　same　year；　only　four　months

from　the　adoption　of　the　last　platform；　and　I　am　unaware　that　in　this

canvass；　from　the　beginning　until　to…day；　any　one　of　our　adversaries

has　taken　hold　of　our　platforms；　or　laid　his　finger　upon　anything

that　he　calls　wrong　in　them。



In　the　very　first　one　of　these　joint　discussions　between　Senator

Douglas　and　myself；　Senator　Douglas；　without　alluding　at　all　to　these

platforms；　or　any　one　of　them；　of　which　I　have　spoken；　attempted　to

hold　me　responsible　for　a　set　of　resolutions　passed　long　before　the

meeting　of　either　one　of　these　conventions　of　which　I　have　spoken。

And　as　a　ground　for　holding　me　responsible　for　these　resolutions；　he

assumed　that　they　had　been　passed　at　a　State　Convention　of　the

Republican　party；　and　that　I　took　part　in　that　Convention。　　It　was

discovered　afterward　that　this　was　erroneous；　that　the　resolutions

which　he　endeavored　to　hold　me　responsible　for　had　not　been　passed　by

any　State　Convention　anywhere；　had　not　been　passed　at　Springfield；

where　he　supposed　they　had；　or　assumed　that　they　had；　and　that　they

had　been　passed　in　no　convention　in　which　I　had　taken　part。　　The

Judge；　nevertheless；　was　not　willing　to　give　up　the　point　that　he　was

endeavoring　to　make　upon　me；　and　he　therefore　thought　to　still　hold

me　to　the　point　that　he　was　endeavoring　to　make；　by　showing　that　the

resolutions　that　he　read　had　been　passed　at　a　local　convention　in　the

northern　part　of　the　State；　although　it　was　not　a　local　convention

that　embraced　my　residence　at　all；　nor　one　that　reached；　as　I

suppose；　nearer　than　one　hundred　and　fifty　or　two　hundred　miles　of

where　I　was　when　it　met；　nor　one　in　which　I　took　any　part　at　all。　　He

also　introduced　other　resolutions；　passed　at　other　meetings；　and　by

combining　the　whole；　although　they　were　all　antecedent　to　the　two

State　Conventions　and　the　one　National　Convention　I　have　mentioned；

still　he　insisted；　and　now　insists；　as　I　understand；　that　I　am　in

some　way　responsible　for　them。



At　Jonesboro；　on　our　third　meeting；　I　insisted　to　the　Judge　that　I

was　in　no　way　rightfully　held　responsible　for　the　proceedings　of　this

local　meeting　or　convention；　in　which　I　had　taken　no　part；　and　in

which　I　was　in　no　way　embraced；　but　I　insisted　to　him　that　if　he

thought　I　was　responsible　for　every　man　or　every　set　of　men

everywhere；　who　happen　to　be　my　friends；　the　rule　ought　to　work　both

ways；　and　he　ought　to　be　responsible　for　the　acts　and　resolutions　of

all　men　or　sets　of　men　who　were　or　are　now　his　supporters　and

friends；　and　gave　him　a　pretty　long　string　of　resolutions；　passed　by

men　who　are　now　his　friends；　and　announcing　doctrines　for　which　he

does　not　desire　to　be　held　responsible。



This　still　does　not　satisfy　Judge　Douglas。　　He　still　adheres　to　his

proposition；　that　I　am　responsible　for　what　some　of　my　friends　in

different　parts　of　the　State　have　done；　but　that　he　is　not

responsible　for　what　his　have　done。　　At　least；　so　I　understand　him。

But　in　addition　to　that；　the　Judge；　at　our　meeting　in　Galesburgh；

last　week；　undertakes　to　establish　that　I　am　guilty　of　a　species　of

double　dealing　with　the　public；　that　I　make　speeches　of　a　certain

sort　in　the　north；　among　the　Abolitionists；　which　I　would　not　make　in

the　south；　and　that　I　make　speeches　of　a　certain　sort　in　the　south

which　I　would　not　make　in　the　north。　　I　apprehend；　in　the　course　I

have　marked　out　for　myself；　that　I　shall　not　have　to　dwell　at　very

great　length　upon　this　subject。



As　this　was　done　in　the　Judge's　opening　speech　at　Galesburgh；　I　had

an　opportunity；　as　I　had　the　middle　speech　then；　of　saying　something

in　answer　to　it。　　He　brought　forward　a　quotation　or　two　from　a　speech

of　mine　delivered　at　Chicago；　and　then；　to　contrast　with　it；　he

brought　forward　an　extract　from　a　speech　of　mine　at　Charleston；　in

which　he　insisted　that　I　was　greatly　inconsistent；　and　insisted　that

his　conclusion　followed；　that　I　was　playing　a　double　part；　and

speaking　in　one　region　one　way；　and　in　another　region　another　way。　　I

have　not　time　now　to　dwell　on　this　as　long　as　I　would　like；　and　wish

only　now　to　requote　that　portion　of　my　speech　at　Charleston　which　the

Judge　quoted；　and　then　make　some　comments　upon　it。　　This　he　quotes

from　me　as　being　delivered　at　Charleston；　and　I　believe　correctly：



〃I　will　say；　then；　that　I　am　not；　nor　ever　have　been；　in　favor　of

bringing　about　in　any　way　the　social　and　political　equality　of　the

white　and　black　races；　that　I　am　not；　nor　ever　have　been；　in　favor　of

making　voters　or　jurors　of　negroes；　nor　of　qualifying　them　to　hold

office；　nor　to　intermarry　with　white　people；　and　I　will　say；　in

addition　to　this；　that　there　is　a　physical　difference　between　the

white　and　black　races　which　will　forever　forbid　the　two　races　living

together　on　terms　of　social　and　political　equality。　　And　inasmuch　as

they　cannot　so　live　while　they　do　remain　together；　there　must　be　the

position　of　superior　and　inferior。　　I　am　as　much　as　any　other　man　in

favor　of　having　the　superior　position　assigned　to　the　white　race。〃



This；　I　believe；　is　the　entire　quotation　from　Charleston　speech；　as

Judge　Douglas　made　it　his　comments　are　as　follows：



〃Yes；　here　you　find　men　who　hurrah　for　Lincoln；　and　say　he　is　right

when　he　discards　all　distinction　between　races；　or　when　he　declares

that　he　discards　the　doctrine　that　there　is　such　a　thing　as　a

superior　and　inferior　race；　and　Aboli