proposed roads to freedom(通往自由之路)-第12章
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is given by A。 Lanzillo； ‘‘Le Mouvement Ouvrier en Italie；'' Bibliotheque
du Mouvement Proletarien。 See also Paul Louis； ‘‘Le Syndicalisme
Europeen；'' chap。 vi。 On the other hand Cole （‘‘World of Labour；'' chap。 vi）
considers the strength of genuine Syndicalism in Italy to be small。
＇21＇ This is often recognized by Syndicalists themselves。 See； e。g。； an
article on ‘‘The Old International'' in the Syndicalist of February； 1913；
which； after giving an account of the struggle between Marx and Bakunin
from the standpoint of a sympathizer with the latter； says： ‘‘Bakounin's
ideas are now more alive than ever。''
＇22＇ See pp。 42…43； and 160 of ‘‘Syndicalism in France；'' Louis Levine；
Ph。D。 （Columbia University Studies in Political Science； vol。 xlvi； No。 3。）
This is a very objective and reliable account of the origin and progress of
French Syndicalism。 An admirable short discussion of its ideas and its
present position will be found in Cole's ‘‘World of Labour'' （G。 Bell &
Sons）； especially chapters iii； iv； and xi。
The war of 1870 put an end for the time being to the Socialist
Movement in France。 Its revival was begun by Jules Guesde in 1877。
Unlike the Ger… man Socialists； the French have been split into many
different factions。 In the early eighties there was a split between the
Parliamentary Socialists and the Communist Anarchists。 The latter thought
that the first act of the Social Revolution should be the destruction of the
State； and would therefore have nothing to do with Parliamentary politics。
The Anarchists； from 1883 onward； had success in Paris and the South。
The Socialists contended that the State will disappear after the Socialist
society has been firmly established。 In 1882 the Socialists split between
the followers of Guesde； who claimed to represent the revolutionary and
scientific Socialism of Marx； and the followers of Paul Brousse； who were
more opportunist and were also called possibilists and cared little for the
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theories of Marx。 In 1890 there was a secession from the Broussists； who
followed Allemane and absorbed the more revolutionary elements of the
party and became leading spirits in some of the strongest syndicates。
Another group was the Independent Socialists； among whom were Jaures；
Millerand and Viviani。＇23＇
＇23＇ See Levine； op。 cit。； chap。 ii。
The disputes between the various sections of Socialists caused
difficulties in the Trade Unions and helped to bring about the resolution to
keep politics out of the Unions。 From this to Syndicalism was an easy
step。
Since the year 1905； as the result of a union between the Parti
Socialiste de France （Part； Ouvrier Socialiste Revolutionnaire Francais led
by Guesde） and the Parti Socialiste Francais （Jaures）； there have been only
two groups of Socialists； the United Socialist Party and the Independents；
who are intellectuals or not willing to be tied to a party。 At the General
Election of 1914 the former secured 102 members and the latter 30； out of
a total of 590。
Tendencies toward a rapprochement between the various groups were
seriously interfered with by an event which had considerable importance
for the whole development of advanced political ideas in France； namely；
the acceptance of office in the Waldeck… Rousseau Ministry by the
Socialist Millerand in 1899。 Millerand； as was to be expected； soon ceased
to be a Socialist； and the opponents of political action pointed to his
development as showing the vanity of political triumphs。 Very many
French politicians who have risen to power have begun their political
career as Socialists； and have ended it not infrequently by employing the
army to oppress strikers。 Millerand's action was the most notable and
dramatic among a number of others of a similar kind。 Their cumulative
effect has been to produce a certain cynicism in regard to politics among
the more class…conscious of French wage…earners； and this state of mind
greatly assisted the spread of Syndicalism。
Syndicalism stands essentially for the point of view of the producer as
opposed to that of the consumer； it is concerned with reforming actual
work； and the organization of industry； not MERELY with securing greater
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rewards for work。 From this point of view its vigor and its distinctive
character are derived。 It aims at substituting industrial for political action；
and at using Trade Union organization for purposes for which orthodox
Socialism would look to Parliament。 ‘‘Syndicalism'' was originally only
the French name for Trade Unionism； but the Trade Unionists of France
became divided into two sections； the Reformist and the Revolutionary； of
whom the latter only professed the ideas which we now associate with the
term ‘‘Syndicalism。'' It is quite impossible to guess how far either the
organization or the ideas of the Syndicalists will remain intact at the end
of the war； and everything that we shall say is to be taken as applying only
to the years before the war。 It may be that French Syndicalism as a
distinctive movement will be dead； but even in that case it will not have
lost its importance； since it has given a new impulse and direction to the
more vigorous part of the labor movement in all civilized countries； with
the possible exception of Germany。
The organization upon which Syndicalism de… pended was the
Confederation Generale du Travail； commonly known as the C。 G。 T。；
which was founded in 1895； but only achieved its final form in 1902。 It
has never been numerically very powerful； but has derived its influence
from the fact that in moments of crisis many who were not members were
willing to follow its guidance。 Its membership in the year before the war is
estimated by Mr。 Cole at somewhat more than half a million。 Trade Unions
（Syndicats） were legalized by Waldeck…Rousseau in 1884； and the C。 G。 T。；
on its inauguration in 1895； was formed by the Federation of 700
Syndicats。 Alongside of this organization there existed another； the
Federation des Bourses du Travail； formed in 1893。 A Bourse du Travail is
a local organization； not of any one trade； but of local labor in general；
intended to serve as a Labor Exchange and to perform such functions for
labor as Chambers of Commerce perform for the employer。＇24＇ A
Syndicat is in general a local organization of a single industry； and is thus
a smaller unit than the Bourse du Travail。＇25＇ Under the able leadership of
Pelloutier； the Federation des Bourses prospered more than the C。 G。 T。；
and at last； in 1902； coalesced with it。 The result was an organization in
which the local Syndicat was fed… erated twice over； once with the other
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Syndicat in its locality； forming together the local Bourse du Travail； and
again with the Syndicats in the same industry in other places。 ‘‘It was the
purpose of the new organization to secure twice over the membership of
every syndicat； to get it to join both its local Bourse du Travail and the
Federation of its industry。 The Statutes of the C。 G。 T。 （I。 3） put this point
plainly： ‘No Syndicat will be able to form a part of the C。 G。 T。 if it is not
federated nationally and an adherent of a Bourse du Travail or a local or
departmental Union of Syndicats grouping different associations。' Thus； M。
Lagardelle explains； the two sections will correct each other's point of
view： national federation of industries will prevent parochialism
（localisme）； and local organization will check the corporate or ‘Trade
Union' spirit。 The workers will learn at once the solidarity of all workers in
a locality and that of all workers in a trade； and； in learning this； they will
learn at the same time the complete solidarity of the whole working…
class。''＇26＇
＇24＇ Cole； ib。； p。 65。
＇25＇ ‘‘Syndicat in France still means a local unionthere are at the
present day only four national syndicats'' （ib。； p。 66）。
＇26＇ Cole； ib。 p。 69。
This organization was largely the work of Pellouties； who was
Secretary of the Federation des Bourses from 1894 until his death in 1901。
He was an Anarchist Communist and impressed his ideas upon the
Federation and thence posthumously on the C。 G。 T。 after its combination
with the Federation des Bourses。 He even carried his principles into the
government of the Federation； the Committee had no chairman and votes
very rarely took place。 He stated that ‘‘the task of the revolution is to free
mankind； not only from all authority； but also from every institution which
has not for its essential purpose the development of production。''
The C。 G。 T。 allows much autonomy to each unit in the organization。
Each Syndicat counts for one； whether it be large or small。 There are not
the friendly society activities which form so large a part of the work of
English Unions。 It gives no orders； but is purely advisory。 It does not allow
politics to be introduced into the Unions。 This decision was originally
based upon the fact that the divisions among Socialists disrupted the
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Unions； but it is now reinforced in the minds of an important section by
the general Anarchist dislike of politics。 The C。 G。 T。 is essentially a
fighting organization； in strike
