the origins of contemporary france-2-第35章

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alone　that　the　constitution　is　being　made：　it　is　therefore　they

alone　who　should　be　considered；　they　are　manifestly　men　of　a

particular　species；　having　their　peculiar　temperament；　their　special

aptitudes；　their　own　inclinations；　their　religion；　their　history；

all　adding　up　into　a　mental　and　moral　structure；　hereditary　and

deeply　rooted；　bequeathed　to　them　by　the　indigenous　stock；　and　to

which　every　great　event；　each　political　or　literary　phase　for　twenty

centuries；　has　added　a　growth；　a　transformation　or　a　custom。　　It　is

like　some　tree　of　a　unique　species　whose　trunk；　thickened　by　age；

preserves　in　its　annual　rings　and　in　its　knots；　branches；　and

curvatures；　the　deposits　which　its　sap　has　made　and　the　imprint　of

the　innumerable　seasons　through　which　it　has　passed。　　Using　the

philosophic　definition；　so　vague　and　trite；　to　such　an　organism；　is

only　a　puerile　label　teaching　us　nothing。　　　　And　all　the　more

because　extreme　diversities　and　inequalities　show　themselves　on　this

exceedingly　elaborate　and　complicated　background；　　those　of　age；

education；　faith；　class　and　fortune；　and　these　must　be　taken　into

account；　for　these　contribute　to　the　formation　of　interests；

passions；　and　dispositions。　　To　take　only　the　most　important　of

these；　it　is　clear　that；　according　to　the　average　of　human　life；＇11＇

one…half　of　the　population　is　composed　of　children；　and；　besides

this；　one…half　of　the　adults　are　women。　　In　every　twenty　inhabitants

eighteen　are　Catholic；　of　whom　sixteen　are　believers；　at　least

through　habit　and　tradition。　　Twenty…five　out　of　twenty…six　millions

of　Frenchmen　cannot　read；　one　million　at　the　most　being　able　to　do

so；　and　in　political　matters　only　five　or　six　hundred　are　competent。

As　to　the　condition　of　each　class；　its　ideas；　its　sentiments；　its

kind　and　degree　of　culture；　we　should　have　to　devote　a　large　volume

to　a　mere　sketch　of　them。



There　is　still　another　feature　and　the　most　important　of　all。　　These

men　who　are　so　different　from　each　other　are　far　from　being

independent；　or　from　contracting　together　for　the　first　time。　　They

and　their　ancestors　for　eight　hundred　years　form　a　national　body；

and　it　is　because　they　belong　to　this　body　that　they　live；　multiply；

labor；　make　acquisitions；　become　enlightened　and　civilized；　and

accumulate　the　vast　heritage　of　comforts　and　intelligence　which　they

now　enjoy。　　Each　in　this　community　is　like　the　cell　of　an　organized

body；　undoubtedly　the　body　is　only　an　accumulation　of　cells；　but　the

cell　is　born；　subsists；　develops　and　attains　its　individual　ends

only　be　the　healthy　condition　of　the　whole　body。　　Its　chief

interest；　accordingly；　is　the　prosperity　of　the　whole　organism；　and

the　fundamental　requirement　of　all　the　little　fragmentary　lives；

whether　they　know　it　or　not；　is　the　conservation　of　the　great　total

life　in　which　they　are　comprised　as　musical　notes　in　a　concert。　　

Not　only　is　this　a　necessity　for　them；　but　it　is　also　a　duty。　　We

are　all　born　with　a　debt　to　our　country；　and　this　debt　increases

while　we　grow　up；　it　is　with　the　assistance　of　our　country；　under

the　protection　of　the　law；　upheld　by　the　authorities；　that　our

ancestors　and　parents　have　given　us　life；　property；　and　education。


Each　person's　faculties；　ideas；　attitudes；　his　or　her　entire　moral

and　physical　being　are　the　products　to　which　the　community　has

contributed；　directly　or　indirectly；　at　least　as　tutor　and　guardian。

By　virtue　of　this　the　state　is　his　creditor；　just　as　a　destitute

father　is　of　his　able…bodied　son；　it　can　lay　claim　to　nourishment；

services；　and；　in　all　the　force　or　resources　of　which　he　disposes；

it　deservedly　demands　a　share。　　　This　he　knows　and　feels；　the

notion　of　country　is　deeply　implanted　within　him；　and　when　occasion

calls　for　it；　it　will　show　itself　in　ardent　emotions；　fueling　steady

sacrifice　and　heroic　effort。　　　Such　are　veritable　Frenchmen；　and

we　at　once　see　how　different　they　are　from　the　simple；

indistinguishable；　detached　monads　which　the　philosophers　insist　on

substituting　for　them。　　Their　association　need　not　be　created；　for

it　already　exists；　for　eight　centuries　they　have　a　〃common　weal　〃

（la　chose　publique）。　　The　safety　and　prosperity　of　this　common　weal

is　at　once　their　interest；　their　need；　their　duty；　and　even　their

most　secret　wish。　　If　it　is　possible　to　speak　here　of　a　contract；

their　quasi…contract　is　made　and　settled　for　them　beforehand。　　The

first　article；　at　all　events；　is　stipulated　for；　and　this　overrides

all　the　others。　　The　nation　must　not　be　dissolved。　　Public

authorities　must；　accordingly；　exist；　and　these　must　be　respected。

If　there　are　a　number　of　these；　they　must　be　so　defined　and　so

balanced　as　to　be　of　mutual　assistance；　instead　of　neutralizing　each

other　by　their　opposition。　　Whatever　government　is　adopted；　it　must

place　matters　in　the　hands　best　qualified　to　conduct　them。　　The　law

must　not　exist　for　the　advantage　of　the　minority；　nor　for　that　of

the　majority；　but　for　the　entire　community。　　　　In　regard　to　this

first　article　no　one　must　derogate　from　it；　neither　the　minority　nor

the　majority；　neither　the　Assembly　elected　by　the　nation；　nor　the

nation　itself；　even　if　unanimous。　　It　has　no　right　arbitrarily　to

dispose　of　the　common　weal；　to　put　it　in　peril　according　to　its

caprice；　to　subordinate　it　to　the　application　of　a　theory　or　to　the

interest　of　a　single　class；　even　if　this　class　is　the　most　numerous。

For；　that　which　is　the　common　weal　does　not　belong　to　it；　but　to　the

whole　community；　past；　present；　and　to　come。　　Each　generation　is

simply　the　temporary　manager　and　responsible　trustee　of　a　precious

and　glorious　patrimony　which　it　has　received　from　the　former

generation；　and　which　it　has　to　transmit　to　the　one　that　comes　after

it。　　In　this　perpetual　endowment；　to　which　all　Frenchmen　from　the

first　days　of　France　have　brought　their　offerings；　there　is　no　doubt

about　the　intentions　of　countless　benefactors；　they　have　made　their

gifts　conditionally；　that　is；　on　the　condition　that　the　endowment

should　remain　intact；　and　that　each　successive　beneficiary　should

merely　serve　as　the　administrator　of　it。　　Should　any　of　the

beneficiaries；　through　presumption　or　levity；　through　rashness　or

one…sidedness；　compromise　the　charge　entrusted　to　them；　they　wrong

all　their　predecessors　whose　sacrifices　they　invalidate；　and　all

their　successors　whose　hopes　they　frustrate。　　Accordingly；　before

undertaking　to　frame　a　constitution；　let　the　whole　community　be

considered　in　its　entirety；　not　merely　in　the　present　but　in　the

future；　as　far　as　the　eye　can　reach。　　The　interest　of　the　public；

viewed　in　this　far…sighted　manner；　is　the　end　to　which　all　the　rest

must　be　subordinate；　and　for　which　a　constitution　provides。　　A

constitution；　whether　oligarchic；　monarchist；　or　aristocratic；　is

simply　an　instrument；　good　if　it　attains　this　end；　and　bad　if　it

does　not　attain　it；　and　which；　to　attain　it；　must；　like　every

species　of　mechanism；　vary　according　to　the　ground；　materials；　and

circumstances。　　The　most　ingenious　is　illegitimate　if　it　dissolves

the　State；　while　the　clumsiest　is　legitimate　if　it　keeps　the　State

intact。　　There　is　none　that　springs　out　of　an　anterior；　universal；

and　absolute　right。　　According　to　the　people；　the　epoch；　and　the

degree　of　civilization；　according　to　the　outer　or　inner　condition　of

things；　all　civil　or　political　equality　or　inequality　may；　in　turn；

be　or　cease　to　be　beneficial　or　hurtful；　and　therefore　justify　the

legislator　in　removing　or　preserving　it。　　It　is　according　to　this

superior　and　salutary　law；　and　not　according　to　an　imaginary　and

impossible　contract；　that　he　is　to　organize；　limit；　delegate　and

distribute　from　the　center　to　the　extremities；　through　inheritance

or　through　election；　through　equalization　or　through　privilege；　the

rights　of　the　citizen　and　the　power　of　the　community。





III。



The　estates　of　a　society。　　…　Political　aptitude　of　the　aristocracy。

…　Its　disposition　in　1789。　　…　Special　services　which　it　might　have

rendered。　　…　The　principle　of　the　Assembly　as　to　original　equality。

…　Rejection　of　an　Upper　Chamber。　　…　The　feudal　rights　of　the

aristocracy。　　…　How　far　and　why　they　were　worthy　of　respect。　　…　How

they　should　have　been　transformed。　　…　Principle　of　the　Assembly　as

to　original　liberty。　　…　Distinction　established　by　it　in　feudal

dues；　application　of　its　principle。　　…　The　lacunae　of　its　law。　　…

Difficulties　of　redemption。　　…　Actual　abolition　of　all　feudal　liens。

…　Abolition　of　titles　and　territorial　names。　　…　Growing　prejudice

against　the　aristocracy。　　…　Its　persecutions。　　…　The　emigration。　　…



Was　it　necessary　to　begin　by　making　a　clean　sweep；　and　was　it

advisable　to　abolish　or　only　to　reform　the　various　orders　and

corporations？　　Two　prominent　orders；　the　clergy　and　the　nobles；

enlarged　by　the　ennobled　plebeians　who　had　grown　wealthy　and

acquired　titled　estates；　formed　a　privileged　aristocracy　side　by

side　with　the　Government；　whose　favors　it　might　receive　on　the

condition　of　seeking　them　assiduously　and　with　due　acknowledgment；

privileged　on　its　own　domains；　and　taking　advantage　there　of　all

rights　belonging　to　the　feudal　chieftain　without　performing　his

duties。　　This　abuse　was　evidently　an　enormous　one　and　had　to　be

ended。　　But；　it　did　not　follow　that；　because　the　position　of　the

privileged　class　on　their　domains　and　in　connection　with　the

Government　was　open　to　abuse；　they　should　be　deprived　of　protection

for　person　and　property　on　their　domains；　and　of　influence　and

occupation　under　the　Government。　　　A　favored　aristocracy；　when　it

is　unoccupied　and　renders　none　of　the　services　which　its　rank　admits

of；　when　it　monopolizes　all　honors；　offices；　promotions；

preferences；　and　pensions；＇12＇　to　the　detriment　of　others　not　less

needy　and　deserving；　is　undoubtedly　a　serious　evil。　　But　when　an

aristocracy　is　subject　to　the　common　law；　when　it　is　occupied；

especially　when　its　occupation　is　in　conformity　with　its　aptitudes；

and　more　particularly　when　it　is　available　for　the　formation　of　an

upper　elective　chamber　or　an　hereditary　peerage；　it　is　a　vast

service。　　　In　any　case　it　cannot　be　irreversibly　suppressed；　for；

although　it　may　be　abolished　by　law；　it　is　reconstituted　by　facts。

The　legislator　must　necessarily　choose　between　two　systems；　that

which　lets　it　lie　fallow；　or　that　which　enables　it　to　be　productive；

that　which　drives　it　away　from；　or　that　which　rallies　it　round；　the

public　service。　　In　every　society　which　has　lived　for　any　length　of

time；　a　nucleus　of　families　always　exists　whose　fortunes　and

importance　are　of　ancient　date。　　Even　when；　as　in　France　in　1789；

this　class　seems　to　be　exclusive；　each　half　century　introduces　into

it　new　families；　judges；　governors；　rich　businessmen　or　bankers　who

have　risen　to　the　tope　of　the　social　ladder　through　the　wealth　they

have　acquired　or　through　the　important　offices　they　have　filled；　and

here；　in　the　medium