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the psychology of revolution-及38嫗

弌傍�� the psychology of revolution 忖方�� 耽匈3500忖

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!!!!隆堋響頼��紗秘慕禰厮宴和肝写偬堋響��






One of the most remarkable feats of the Consulate�察�from the

psychological point of view�察�was the restoration of religious

peace。  France was far more divided by religious disagreement

than by political differences。  The systematic destruction of a

portion of the Vendee had almost completely terminated the

struggle by force of arms�察�but without pacifying men's minds。  As

only one man�察�and he the head of Christianity�察�could assist in

this pacification�察�Bonaparte did not hesitate to treat with him。 

His concordat was the work of a real psychologist�察�who knew that

moral forces do not use violence�察�and the great danger of

persecuting such。  While conciliating the clergy he contrived to

place them under his own domination。  The bishops were to

be appointed and remunerated by the State�察�so that he would still

be master。



The religious policy of Napoleon had a bearing which escapes our

modern Jacobins。  Blinded by their narrow fanaticism�察�they do not

understand that to detach the Church from the Government is to

create a state within the State�察�so that they are liable to find

themselves opposed by a formidable caste�察�directed by a master

outside France�察�and necessarily hostile to France。  To give one's

enemies a liberty they did not possess is extremely dangerous。 

Never would Napoleon�察�nor any of the sovereigns who preceded him��

have consented to make the clergy independent of the State�察�as

they have become to´day。



The difficulties of Bonaparte the First Consul were far greater

than those he had to surmount after his coronation。  Only a

profound knowledge of men enabled him to triumph over them。  The

future master was far from being the master as yet。  Many

departments were still in insurrection。  Brigandage persisted��

and the Midi was ravaged by the struggles of partisans。 

Bonaparte�察�as Consul�察�had to conciliate and handle Talleyrand��

Fouche�察�and a number of generals who thought themselves his

equal。  Even his brothers conspired against his power。  Napoleon��

as Emperor�察�had no hostile party to face�察�but as Consul he 

had to combat all the parties and to hold the balance equal among

them。  This must indeed have been a difficult task�察�since during

the last century very few Governments have succeeded in

accomplishing it。



The success of such an undertaking demanded an extremely subtle

mixture of finesse�察�firmness�察�and diplomacy。  Not feeling

himself powerful enough as yet�察�Bonaparte the Consul made a rule��

according to his own expression�察 �`of governing men as the

greater number wish to be governed。''  As Emperor he often

managed to govern them according to his own ideal。



We have travelled a long way since the time when historians�察�in

their singular blindness�察�and great poets�察�who possessed more

talent than psychology�察�would hold forth in indignant accents

against the coup d'etat of Brumaire。  What profound

illusions underlay the assertion that ``France lay fair in

Messidor's great sun''�  �And other illusions no less profound

underlay such verdicts as that of Victor Hugo concerning this

period。  We have seen that the ``Crime of Brumaire'' had as an

enthusiastic accomplice�察�not only the Government itself but the

whole of France�察�which it delivered from anarchy。



One may wonder how intelligent men could so misjudge a period of

history which is nevertheless so clear。  It was doubtless because

they saw events through their own convictions�察�and we know what

transformations the truth may suffer for the man who is

imprisoned in the valleys of belief。  The most luminous facts are

obscured�察�and the history of events is the history of his dreams。



The psychologist who desires to understand the period which we

have so briefly sketched can only do so if�察�being attached to no

party�察�he stands clear of the passions which are the soul of

parties。  He will never dream of recriminating a past which was

dictated by such imperious necessities。  Certainly Napoleon has

cost France dear�此�his epic was terminated by two invasions�察�and

there was yet to be a third�察�whose consequences are felt

even to´day�察�when the prestige which he exerted even from the

tomb set upon the throne the inheritor of his name。



All these events are narrowly connected in their origin。  They

represent the price of that capital phenomenon in the evolution

of a people�察�a change of ideal。  Man can never make the attempt

to break suddenly with his ancestors without profoundly affecting

the course of his own history。







CHAPTER III



POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONFLICT BETWEEN TRADITIONS AND

REVOLUTIONARY PRINCIPLES DURING THE LAST CENTURY



1。  The Psychological Causes of the continued Revolutionary

Movements to which France has been subject。



In examining�察�in a subsequent chapter�察�the evolution of

revolutionary ideas during the last century�察�we shall see that

during more than fifty years they very slowly spread through the

various strata of society。



During the whole of this period the great majority of the people

and the bourgeoisie rejected them�察�and their diffusion was

effected only by a very limited number of apostles。  But their

influence�察�thanks principally to the faults of Governments�察�was

sufficient to provoke several revolutions。  We shall examine

these briefly when we have examined the psychological influences

which gave them birth。



The history of our political upheavals during the last century is

enough to prove�察�even if we did not yet realise the fact�察�that

men are governed by their mentalities far more than by the

institutions which their rulers endeavour to force upon them。



The successive revolutions which France has suffered have been

the consequences of struggles between two portions of the

nation whose mentalities are different。  One is religious and

monarchical and is dominated by long ancestral influences�察�the

other is subjected to the same influences�察�but gives them a

revolutionary form。



From the commencement of the Revolution the struggle between

contrary mentalities was plainly manifested。  We have seen that

in spite of the most frightful repression insurrections and

conspiracies lasted until the end of the Directory。  They proved

that the traditions of the past had left profound roots in the

popular soul。  At a certain moment sixty departments were in

revolt against the new Government�察�and were only repressed by

repeated massacres on a vast scale。



To establish some sort of compromise between the ancien

regime and the new ideals was the most difficult of the

problems which Bonaparte had to resolve。  He had to discover

institutions which would suit the two mentalities into which

France was divided。  He succeeded�察�as we have seen�察�by

conciliatory measures�察�and also by dressing very ancient things

in new names。



His reign was one of those rare periods of French history during

which the mental unity of France was complete。



This unity could not outlive him。  On the morrow of his fall all

the old parties reappeared�察�and have survived until the present

day。  Some attach themselves to traditional influences�察�others

violently reject them。



If this long conflict had been between believers and the

indifferent�察�it could not have lasted�察�for indifference is

always tolerant�察�but the struggle was really between two

different beliefs。  The lay Church very soon assumed a religious

aspect�察�and its pretended rationalism has become�察�especially in

recent years�察�a barely attenuated form of the narrowest clerical

spirit。  Now�察�we have shown that no conciliation is possible

between dissimilar religious beliefs。  The clericals when in

power could not therefore show themselves more tolerant towards

freethinkers than these latter are to´day toward the clericals。



These divisions�察�determined by differences of belief�察�were

complicated by the addition of the political conceptions derived

from those beliefs。



Many simple souls have for long believed that the real history of

France began with the year I。 of the Republic。  This rudimentary

conception is at last dying out。  Even the most rigid

revolutionaries renounce it�撮�10�А�and are quite willing to

recognise that the past was something better than an epoch of

black barbarism dominated by low superstitions。







��10�А�We may judge of the recent evolution of ideas upon this

point by the following passage from a speech by M。 Jaures��

delivered in the Chamber of Deputies�此  �`The greatness of to´day

is built of the efforts of past centuries。  France is not

contained in a day nor in an epoch�察�but in the succession of all

days�察�all periods�察�all her twilights and all her dawns。''









The religious origin of most of the political beliefs held in

France inspires their adepts with an inextinguishable hatred

which always strikes foreigners with amazement。



``Nothing is more obvious�察�nothing is more certain��'' writes Mr。

Barret´Wendell�察�in his book on France�察 �`than this fact�此�that not

only have the royalists�察�revolutionaries�察�and Bonapartists

always been mortally opposed to one another�察�but that�察�owing to

the passionate ardour of the French character�察�they have always

entertained a profound intellectual horror for one another。  Men

who believe themselves in possession of the truth cannot refrain

from affirming that those who do not think with them are

instruments of error。



``Each party will gravely inform you that the advocates of the

adverse cause are afflicted by a dense stupidity or are

consciously dishonest。  Yet when you meet these latter�察�who will

say exactly the same things as their detractors�察�you cannot but

recognise�察�in all good faith�察�that they are neither stupid nor

dishonest。''



This reciprocal execration of the believers of each party has

always facilitated the overthrow of Governments and ministers in

France。  The parties in the minority will never refuse to ally

themselves against the triumphant party。  We know that a great

number of revolutionary Socialists have been elected to the

present Chamber only by the aid of the monarchists�察�who are still

as unintelligent as they were at the time of the Revolution。



Our religious and political differences do not constitute the

only cause of dissension in France。  They are held by men

possessing that particular mentality which I have already

described under the name of the revolutionary mentality。  We have

seen that each period always presents a certain number of

individuals ready to revolt against the established order of

things�察�whatever that may be�察�even though it may realise all

their desires。



The intolerance of the parties in France�察�and their desire to

seize upon power�察�are further favoured by the conviction�察�so

prevalent under the Revolution�察�that societies can be remade by

means of laws。  The modern State�察�whatever its leader�察�has

inherited in the eyes of the m

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