essays and lectures-第7章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



to　it　and　imposed　on　it　from　without；　or　as　an　organism　containing

the　law　of　its　own　development　in　itself；　and　working　out　its

perfection　merely　by　the　fact　of　being　what　it　is。　　Now；　if　we

adopt　the　former；　which　we　may　style　the　theological　view；　we　shall

be　in　continual　danger　of　tripping　into　the　pitfall　of　some　A

PRIORI　conclusion　…　that　bourne　from　which；　it　has　been　truly　said；

no　traveller　ever　returns。



The　latter　is　the　only　scientific　theory　and　was　apprehended　in　its

fulness　by　Aristotle；　whose　application　of　the　inductive　method　to

history；　and　whose　employment　of　the　evolutionary　theory　of

humanity；　show　that　he　was　conscious　that　the　philosophy　of　history

is　nothing　separate　from　the　facts　of　history　but　is　contained　in

them；　and　that　the　rational　law　of　the　complex　phenomena　of　life；

like　the　ideal　in　the　world　of　thought；　is　to　be　reached　through

the　facts；　not　superimposed　on　them　…　＇Greek　text　which　cannot　be

reproduced＇。



And　finally；　in　estimating　the　enormous　debt　which　the　science　of

historical　criticism　owes　to　Aristotle；　we　must　not　pass　over　his

attitude　towards　those　two　great　difficulties　in　the　formation　of　a

philosophy　of　history　on　which　I　have　touched　above。　　I　mean　the

assertion　of　extra…natural　interference　with　the　normal　development

of　the　world　and　of　the　incalculable　influence　exercised　by　the

power　of　free　will。



Now；　as　regards　the　former；　he　may　be　said　to　have　neglected　it

entirely。　　The　special　acts　of　providence　proceeding　from　God's

immediate　government　of　the　world；　which　Herodotus　saw　as　mighty

landmarks　in　history；　would　have　been　to　him　essentially　disturbing

elements　in　that　universal　reign　of　law；　the　extent　of　whose

limitless　empire　he　of　all　the　great　thinkers　of　antiquity　was　the

first　explicitly　to　recognise。



Standing　aloof　from　the　popular　religion　as　well　as　from　the　deeper

conceptions　of　Herodotus　and　the　Tragic　School；　he　no　longer

thought　of　God　as　of　one　with　fair　limbs　and　treacherous　face

haunting　wood　and　glade；　nor　would　he　see　in　him　a　jealous　judge

continually　interfering　in　the　world's　history　to　bring　the　wicked

to　punishment　and　the　proud　to　a　fall。　　God　to　him　was　the

incarnation　of　the　pure　Intellect；　a　being　whose　activity　was　the

contemplation　of　his　own　perfection；　one　whom　Philosophy　might

imitate　but　whom　prayers　could　never　move；　to　the　sublime

indifference　of　whose　passionless　wisdom　what　were　the　sons　of　men；

their　desires　or　their　sins？　　While；　as　regards　the　other

difficulty　and　the　formation　of　a　philosophy　of　history；　the

conflict　of　free　will　with　general　laws　appears　first　in　Greek

thought　in　the　usual　theological　form　in　which　all　great　ideas　seem

to　be　cradled　at　their　birth。



It　was　such　legends　as　those　of　OEdipus　and　Adrastus；　exemplifying

the　struggles　of　individual　humanity　against　the　overpowering　force

of　circumstances　and　necessity；　which　gave　to　the　early　Greeks

those　same　lessons　which　we　of　modern　days　draw；　in　somewhat　less

artistic　fashion；　from　the　study　of　statistics　and　the　laws　of

physiology。



In　Aristotle；　of　course；　there　is　no　trace　of　supernatural

influence。　　The　Furies；　which　drive　their　victim　into　sin　first　and

then　punishment；　are　no　longer　'viper…tressed　goddesses　with　eyes

and　mouth　aflame；'　but　those　evil　thoughts　which　harbour　within　the

impure　soul。　　In　this；　as　in　all　other　points；　to　arrive　at

Aristotle　is　to　reach　the　pure　atmosphere　of　scientific　and　modern

thought。



But　while　he　rejected　pure　necessitarianism　in　its　crude　form　as

essentially　a　REDUCTIO　AD　ABSURDUM　of　life；　he　was　fully　conscious

of　the　fact　that　the　will　is　not　a　mysterious　and　ultimate　unit　of

force　beyond　which　we　cannot　go　and　whose　special　characteristic　is

inconsistency；　but　a　certain　creative　attitude　of　the　mind　which

is；　from　the　first；　continually　influenced　by　habits；　education　and

circumstance；　so　absolutely　modifiable；　in　a　word；　that　the　good

and　the　bad　man　alike　seem　to　lose　the　power　of　free　will；　for　the

one　is　morally　unable　to　sin；　the　other　physically　incapacitated

for　reformation。



And　of　the　influence　of　climate　and　temperature　in　forming　the

nature　of　man　（a　conception　perhaps　pressed　too　far　in　modern　days

when　the　'race　theory'　is　supposed　to　be　a　sufficient　explanation

of　the　Hindoo；　and　the　latitude　and　longitude　of　a　country　the　best

guide　to　its　morals（6））　Aristotle　is　completely　unaware。　　I　do　not

allude　to　such　smaller　points　as　the　oligarchical　tendencies　of　a

horse…breeding　country　and　the　democratic　influence　of　the

proximity　of　the　sea　（important　though　they　are　for　the

consideration　of　Greek　history）；　but　rather　to　those　wider　views　in

the　seventh　book　of　his　POLITICS；　where　he　attributes　the　happy

union　in　the　Greek　character　of　intellectual　attainments　with　the

spirit　of　progress　to　the　temperate　climate　they　enjoyed；　and

points　out　how　the　extreme　cold　of　the　north　dulls　the　mental

faculties　of　its　inhabitants　and　renders　them　incapable　of　social

organisation　or　extended　empire；　while　to　the　enervating　heat　of

eastern　countries　was　due　that　want　of　spirit　and　bravery　which

then；　as　now；　was　the　characteristic　of　the　population　in　that

quarter　of　the　globe。



Thucydides　has　shown　the　causal　connection　between　political

revolutions　and　the　fertility　of　the　soil；　but　goes　a　step　farther

and　points　out　the　psychological　influences　on　a　people's　character

exercised　by　the　various　extremes　of　climate　…　in　both　cases　the

first　appearance　of　a　most　valuable　form　of　historical　criticism。



To　the　development　of　Dialectic；　as　to　God；　intervals　of　time　are

of　no　account。　　From　Plato　and　Aristotle　we　pass　direct　to

Polybius。



The　progress　of　thought　from　the　philosopher　of　the　Academe　to　the

Arcadian　historian　may　be　best　illustrated　by　a　comparison　of　the

method　by　which　each　of　the　three　writers；　whom　I　have　selected　as

the　highest　expression　of　the　rationalism　of　his　respective　age；

attained　to　his　ideal　state：　　for　the　latter　conception　may　be　in　a

measure　regarded　as　representing　the　most　spiritual　principle　which

they　could　discern　in　history。



Now；　Plato　created　his　on　A　PRIORI　principles；　Aristotle　formed　his

by　an　analysis　of　existing　constitutions；　Polybius　found　his

realised　for　him　in　the　actual　world　of　fact。　　Aristotle　criticised

the　deductive　speculations　of　Plato　by　means　of　inductive　negative

instances；　but　Polybius　will　not　take　the　'Cloud　City'　of　the

REPUBLIC　into　account　at　all。　　He　compares　it　to　an　athlete　who　has

never　run　on　'Constitution　Hill；'　to　a　statue　so　beautiful　that　it

is　entirely　removed　from　the　ordinary　conditions　of　humanity；　and

consequently　from　the　canons　of　criticism。



The　Roman　state　had　attained　in　his　eyes；　by　means　of　the　mutual

counteraction　of　three　opposing　forces；　（7）　that　stable　equilibrium

in　politics　which　was　the　ideal　of　all　the　theoretical　writers　of

antiquity。　　And　in　connection　with　this　point　it　will　be　convenient

to　notice　here　how　much　truth　there　is　contained　in　the　accusation

often　brought　against　the　ancients　that　they　knew　nothing　of　the

idea　of　Progress；　for　the　meaning　of　many　of　their　speculations

will　be　hidden　from　us　if　we　do　not　try　and　comprehend　first　what

their　aim　was；　and　secondly　why　it　was　so。



Now；　like　all　wide　generalities；　this　statement　is　at　least

inaccurate。　　The　prayer　of　Plato's　ideal　City　…　＇Greek　text　which

cannot　be　reproduced＇；　might　be　written　as　a　text　over　the　door　of

the　last　Temple　to　Humanity　raised　by　the　disciples　of　Fourier　and

Saint…Simon；　but　it　is　certainly　true　that　their　ideal　principle

was　order　and　permanence；　not　indefinite　progress。　　For；　setting

aside　the　artistic　prejudices　which　would　have　led　the　Greeks　to

reject　this　idea　of　unlimited　improvement；　we　may　note　that　the

modern　conception　of　progress　rests　partly　on　the　new　enthusiasm

and　worship　of　humanity；　partly　on　the　splendid　hopes　of　material

improvements　in　civilisation　which　applied　science　has　held　out　to

us；　two　influences　from　which　ancient　Greek　thought　seems　to　have

been　strangely　free。　　For　the　Greeks　marred　the　perfect　humanism　of

the　great　men　whom　they　worshipped；　by　imputing　to　them　divinity

and　its　supernatural　powers；　while　their　science　was　eminently

speculative　and　often　almost　mystic　in　its　character；　aiming　at

culture　and　not　utility；　at　higher　spirituality　and　more　intense

reverence　for　law；　rather　than　at　the　increased　facilities　of

locomotion　and　the　cheap　production　of　common　things　about　which

our　modern　scientific　school　ceases　not　to　boast。　　And　lastly；　and

perhaps　chiefly；　we　must　remember　that　the　'plague　spot　of　all

Greek　states；'　as　one　of　their　own　writers　has　called　it；　was　the

terrible　insecurity　to　life　and　property　which　resulted　from　the

factions　and　revolutions　which　ceased　not　to　trouble　Greece　at　all

times；　raising　a　spirit　of　fanaticism　such　as　religion　raised　in

the　middle　ages　of　Europe。



These　considerations；　then；　will　enable　us　to　understand　first　how

it　was　that；　radical　and　unscrupulous　reformers　as　the　Greek

political　theorists　were；　yet；　their　end　once　attained；　no　modern

conservatives　raised　such　outcry　against　the　slightest　innovation。

Even　acknowledged　improvements　in　such　things　as　the　games　of

children　or　the　modes　of　music　were　regarded　by　them　with　feelings

of　extreme　apprehension　as　the　herald　of　the　DRAPEAU　ROUGE　of

reform。　　And　secondly；　it　will　show　us　how　it　was　that　Polybius

found　his　ideal　in　the　commonwealth　of　Rome；　and　Aristotle；　like

Mr。　Bright；　in　the　middle　classes。　　Polybius；　however；　is　not

content　merely　with　pointing　out　his　ideal　state；　but　enters　at

considerable　length　into　the　question　of　those　general　laws　whose

consideration　forms　the　chief　essential　of　the　philosophy　of

history。



He　starts　by　accepting　the　general　principle　that　all　things　are

fated　to　decay　（which　I　noticed　in　the　case　of　Plato）；　and　that　'as

iron　produces　rust　and　as　wood　breeds　the　animals　that　destroy　it；

so　every　state　has　in　it　the　seeds　of　its　own　corruption。'　　He　is

not；　however；　content　to　rest　there；　but　proceeds　to　deal　with　the

more　immediate　causes　of　revolutions；　which　he　says　are　twofold　in

nature；　either　external　or　internal。　　Now；　the　former；　depending　as

they　do　on　the　synchronous　conjunction　of　other　events　outside　the

sphere　of　scientific　estimation；　are　from　their　very　character

incalculable；　but　the　latter；　though　assuming　many　forms；　always

result　from　the　over…great　preponderance　of　any　single　element　to

the　detriment　of　the　others；　the　rational　law　lying　at　the　base　of

all　varieties　of　political　changes　being　that　stability　can　result

only　from　the　statical　equilibrium　produced　by　the　counteraction　of

opposing　parts；　since　the　more　simple　a　constitution　is　the　more　it

is　insecure。　　Plato　had　pointed　out　before　how　the　extreme　liberty