the writings-6-第22章

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EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；

November　24；　1862。



GENERAL　CARL　SCHURZ。



MY　DEAR　SIR　…I　have　just　received　and　read　your　letter　of　the　20th。

The　purport　of　it　is　that　we　lost　the　late　elections　and　the

administration　is　failing　because　the　war　is　unsuccessful；　and　that　I

must　not　flatter　myself　that　I　am　not　justly　to　blame　for　it。　　I

certainly　know　that　if　the　war　fails　the　administration　fails；　and

that　I　will　be　blamed　for　it；　whether　I　deserve　it　or　not。　　And　I

ought　to　be　blamed　if　I　could　do　better。　　You　think　I　could　do

better；　therefore　you　blame　me　already。　　I　think　I　could　not　do

better；　therefore　I　blame　you　for　blaming　me。　　I　understand　you　now

to　be　willing　to　accept　the　help　of　men　who　are　not　Republicans；

provided　they　have　〃heart　in　it。〃　Agreed。　　I　want　no　others。　　But　who

is　to　be　the　judge　of　hearts；　or　of　〃heart　in　it〃？　　If　I　must　discard

my　own　judgment　and　take　yours；　I　must　also　take　that　of　others　and

by　the　time　I　should　reject　all　I　should　be　advised　to　reject；　I

should　have　none　left；　Republicans　or　others　not　even　yourself。　　For

be　assured；　my　dear　sir；　there　are　men　who　have　〃heart　in　it〃　that

think　you　are　performing　your　part　as　poorly　as　you　think　I　am

performing　mine。　　I　certainly　have　been　dissatisfied　with　the

slowness　of　Buell　and　McClellan；　but　before　I　relieved　them　I　had

great　fears　I　should　not　find　successors　to　them　who　would　do　better；

and　I　am　sorry　to　add　that　I　have　seen　little　since　to　relieve　those

fears。



I　do　not　see　clearly　the　prospect　of　any　more　rapid　movements。　　I

fear　we　shall　at　last　find　out　that　the　difficulty　is　in　our　case

rather　than　in　particular　generals。　　I　wish　to　disparage　no　one

certainly　not　those　who　sympathize　with　me；　but　I　must　say　I　need

success　more　than　I　need　sympathy；　and　that　I　have　not　seen　the　so

much　greater　evidence　of　getting　success　from　my　sympathizers　than

from　those　who　are　denounced　as　the　contrary。　　It　does　seem　to　me

that　in　the　field　the　two　classes　have　been　very　much　alike　in　what

they　have　done　and　what　they　have　failed　to　do。　　In　sealing　their

faith　with　their　blood；　Baker　and　Lyon　and　Bohien　and　Richardson；

Republicans；　did　all　that　men　could　do；　but　did　they　any　more　than

Kearny　and　Stevens　and　Reno　and　Mansfield；　none　of　whom　were

Republicans；　and　some　at　least　of　whom　have　been　bitterly　and

repeatedly　denounced　to　me　as　secession　sympathizers？　　I　will　not

perform　the　ungrateful　task　of　comparing　cases　of　failure。



In　answer　to　your　question；　〃Has　it　not　been　publicly　stated　in　the

newspapers；　and　apparently　proved　as　a　fact；　that　from　the

commencement　of　the　war　the　enemy　was　continually　supplied　with

information　by　some　of　the　confidential　subordinates　of　as　important

an　officer　as　Adjutant…General　Thomas？〃　I　must　say　〃No；〃　as　far　as　my

knowledge　extends。　　And　I　add　that　if　you　can　give　any　tangible

evidence　upon　the　subject；　I　will　thank　you　to　come　to　this　city　and

do　so。



Very　truly　your　friend；



A。　LINCOLN。









TELEGRAM　TO　GENERAL　A。　E。　BURNSIDE。



EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；　November　25；　1862。



MAJOR…GENERAL　BURNSIDE；　Falmouth；　Virginia：



If　I　should　be　in　boat　off　Aquia　Creek　at　dark　tomorrow　（Wednesday）

evening；　could　you；　without　inconvenience；　meet　me　and　pass　an　hour

or　two　with　me？



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　ATTORNEY…GENERAL　BATES。

EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；

November　29；　1862。



HON。　ATTORNEY…GENERAL。



MY　DEAR　SIR：Few　things　perplex　me　more　than　this　question　between

Governor　Gamble　and　the　War　Department；　as　to　whether　the　peculiar

force　organized　by　the　former　in　Missouri　are　State　troops　or　United

States　troops。　　Now；　this　is　either　an　immaterial　or　a　mischievous

question。　　First；　if　no　more　is　desired　than　to　have　it　settled　what

name　the　force　is　to　be　called　by；　it　is　immaterial。　　Secondly；　if　it

is　desired　for　more　than　the　fixing　a　name；　it　can　only　be　to　get　a

position　from　which　to　draw　practical　inferences；　then　it　is

mischievous。　　Instead　of　settling　one　dispute　by　deciding　the

question；　I　should　merely　furnish　a　nest…full　of　eggs　for　hatching

new　disputes。　　I　believe　the　force　is　not　strictly　either　〃State

troops〃　or　〃United　States　troops。〃　It　is　of　mixed　character。　　I

therefore　think　it　is　safer；　when　a　　practical　question　arises；　to

decide　that　question　directly；　and　not　indirectly　by　deciding　a

general　abstraction　supposed　to　include　it；　and　also　including　a

great　deal　more。　　Without　dispute　Governor　Gamble　appoints　the

officers　of　this　force；　and　fills　vacancies　when　they　occur。　　The

question　now　practically　in　dispute　is：　Can　Governor　Gamble　make　a

vacancy　by　removing　an　officer　or　accepting　a　resignation？　　Now；

while　it　is　proper　that　this　question　shall　be　settled；　I　do　not

perceive　why　either　Governor　Gamble　or　the　government　here　should

care　which　way　it　is　settled。　　I　am　perplexed　with　it　only　because

there　seems　to　be　pertinacity　about　it。　　It　seems　to　me　that　it　might

be　either　way　without　injury　to　the　service；　or　that　the　offer　of　the

Secretary　of　War　to　let　Governor　Gamble　make　vacancies；　and　he　（the

Secretary）　to　ratify　the　making　of　them；　ought　to　be　satisfactory。



Yours　truly；

A。　LINCOLN









TELEGRAM　TO　GENERAL　CURTIS。

＇Cipher。＇

WASHINGTON；　November　30；　1862。



MAJOR…GENERAL　CURTIS；　Saint　Louis；　Missouri：



Frank　Blair　wants　Manter's　Thirty…second；　Curly's　Twenty　seventh；

Boyd's　Twenty…fourth　and　the　Ninth　and　Tenth　Cavalry　to　go　with　him

down　the　river。　　I　understand　it　is　with　you　to　decide　whether　he

shall　have　them　and　if　so；　and　if　also　it　is　consistent　with　the

public　service；　you　will　oblige　me　a　good　deal　by　letting　him　have

them。



A。　LINCOLN。









ON　EXECUTING　300　INDIANS



LETTER　TO　JUDGE…ADVOCATE…GENERAL。



EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；

December　1；　1862。



JUDGE…ADVOCATE…GENERAL。



SIR：Three　hundred　Indians　have　been　sentenced　to　death　in　Minnesota

by　a　military　commission；　and　execution　only　awaits　my　action。　　I

wish　your　legal　opinion　whether　if　I　should　conclude　to　execute　only

a　part　of　them；　I　must　myself　designate　which；　or　could　I　leave　the

designation　to　some　officer　on　the　ground？



Yours　very　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









ANNUAL　MESSAGE　TO　CONGRESS；

DECEMBER　1；　1862。



FELLOW…CITIZENS　OF　THE　SENATE　AND　HOUSE　OF　REPRESENTATIVES　Since

your　last　annual　assembling　another　year　of　health　and　bountiful

harvests　has　passed；　and　while　it　has　not　pleased　the　Almighty　to

bless　us　with　a　return　of　peace；　we　can　but　press　on；　guided　by　the

best　light　he　gives　us；　trusting　that　in　his　own　good　time　and　wise

way　all　will　yet　be　well。



The　correspondence　touching　foreign　affairs　which　has　taken　place

during　the　last　year　is　herewith　submitted；　in　virtual　compliance

with　a　request　to　that　effect；　made　by　the　House　of　Representatives

near　the　close　of　the　last　session　of　Congress。



If　the　condition　of　our　relations　with　other　nations　is　less

gratifying　than　it　has　usually　been　at　former　periods；　it　is

certainly　more　satisfactory　than　a　nation　so　unhappily　distracted　as

we　are　might　reasonably　have　apprehended。　　In　the　month　of　June　last

there　were　some　grounds　to　expect　that　the　maritime　powers　which；　at

the　beginning　of　our　domestic　difficulties；　so　unwisely　and

unnecessarily；　as　we　think；　recognized　the　insurgents　as　a

belligerent；　would　soon　recede　from　that　position；　which　has　proved

only　less　injurious　to　themselves　than　to　our　own　country。　　But　the

temporary　reverses　which　afterward　befell　the　national　arms；　and

which　were　exaggerated　by　our　own　disloyal　citizens　abroad；　have

hitherto　delayed　that　act　of　simple　justice。



The　civil　war；　which　has　so　radically　changed；　for　the　moment；　the

occupations　and　habits　of　the　American　people；　has　necessarily

disturbed　the　social　condition；　and　affected　very　deeply　the

prosperity；　of　the　nations　with　which　we　have　carried　on　a　commerce

that　has　been　steadily　increasing　throughout　a　period　of　half　a

century。　　It　has；　at　the　same　time；　excited　political　ambitions　and

apprehensions　which　have　produced　a　profound　agitation　throughout　the

civilized　world。　　In　this　unusual　agitation　we　have　forborne　from

taking　part　in　any　controversy　between　foreign　states；　and　between

parties　or　factions　in　such　states。　　We　have　attempted　no

propagandism　and　acknowledged　no　revolution；　but　we　have　left　to

every　nation　the　exclusive　conduct　and　management　of　its　own　affairs。

Our　struggle　has　been；　of　course；　contemplated　by　foreign　nations

with　reference　less　to　its　own　merits　than　to　its　supposed　and　often

exaggerated　effects　and　consequences　resulting　to　those　nations

themselves；　nevertheless；　complaint　on　the　part　of　this　government；

even　if　it　were　just；　would　certainly　be　unwise。



The　treaty　with　Great　Britain　for　the　suppression　of　the　slave　trade

has　been　put　into　operation　with　a　good　prospect　of　complete　success。

It　is　an　occasion　of　special　pleasure　to　acknowledge　that　the

execution　of　it　on　the　part　of　her　Majesty's　government　has　been

marked　with　a　jealous　respect　for　the　authority　of　the　United　States

and　the　rights　of　their　moral　and　loyal　citizens。



The　convention　with　Hanover　for　the　abolition　of　the　state　dues　has

been　carried　into　full　effect　under　the　act　of　Congress　for　that

purpose。



A　blockade　of　3000　miles　of　seacoast　could　not　be　established　and

vigorously　enforced　in　a　season　of　great　commercial　activity　like　the

present　without　committing　occasional　mistakes　and　inflicting

unintentional　injuries　upon　foreign　nations　and　their　subjects。



A　civil　war　occurring　in　a　country　where　foreigners　reside　and　carry

on　trade　under　treaty　stipulations　is　necessarily　fruitful　of

complaints　of　the　violation　of　neutral　rights。　　All　such　collisions

tend　to　excite　misapprehensions；　and　possibly　to　produce　mutual

reclamations　between　nations　which　have　a　common　interest　in

preserving　peace　and　friendship。　　In　clear　cases　of　these　kinds　I

have　so　far　as　possible　heard　and　redressed　complaints　which　have

been　presented　by　friendly　powers。　　There　is　still；　however；　a　large

and　an　augmenting　number　of　doubtful　cases　upon　which　the　government

is　unable　to　agree　with　the　governments　whose　protection　is　demanded

by　the　claimants。　　There　are；　moreover；　many　cases　in　which　the

United　States　or　their　citizens　suffer　wrongs　from　the　naval　or

military　authorities　of　foreign　nations　which　the　governments　of

those　states　are　not　at　once　prepared　to　redress。　　I　have　proposed　to

some　of　the　foreign　states　thus　interested　mutual　conventions　to

examine　and　adjust　such　complaints。　　This　proposition　has　been　made

especially　to　Great　Britain；　to　France；　to　Spain；　and　to　Prussia。　　In

each　case　it　has　been　kindly　received；　but　has　not　yet　been　formally

adopted。



I　deem　it　my　duty　to　recommend　an　appropriation　i