the writings-6-第13章

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approved　July　17；　1862；　and　which　act　and　the　joint　resolution

explanatory　thereof　are　herewith　published；　I；　Abraham　Lincoln；

President　of　the　United　States；　do　hereby　proclaim　to　and　warn　all

persons　within　the　contemplation　of　said　sixth　section　to　cease

participating　in；　aiding；　countenancing；　or　abetting　the　existing

rebellion　or　any　rebellion　against　the　Government　of　the　United

States　and　to　return　to　their　proper　allegiance　to　the　United　States；

on　pain　of　the　forfeitures　and　seizures　as　within　and　by　said　sixth

section　provided。



In　testimony　whereof　I　have　hereunto　set　my　hand　and　caused　the　seal

of　the　United　States　to　be　affixed。



Done　at　the　city　of　Washington；　this　twenty…fifth　day　of　July；　A。D。

1862；　and　of　the　independence　of　the　United　States　the

eighty…seventh。



ABRAHAM　LINCOLN。



By　the　President：

WILLIAM　H。　SEWARD；　Secretary　of　State。









HOLD　MY　HAND　WHILST　THE　ENEMY　STABS　ME



TO　REVERDY　JOHNSON。



（Private。）



EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；　July　26；　1862。



HON。　REVERDY　JOHNSON。



MY　DEAR　SIR：Yours　of　the　16th　is　received。。。。。。。。。。。



You　are　ready　to　say　I　apply　to　friends　what　is　due　only　to　enemies。

I　distrust　the　wisdom　if　not　the　sincerity　of　friends　who　would　hold

my　hands　while　my　enemies　stab　me。　　This　appeal　of　　professed　friends

has　paralyzed　me　more　in　this　struggle　than　any　other　one　thing。　　You

remember　telling　me；　the　day　after　the　Baltimore　mob　in　April；　1861；

that　it　would　crush　all　Union　feeling　in　Maryland　for　me　to　attempt

bringing　troops　over　Maryland　soil　to　Washington。　　I　brought　the

troops　notwithstanding；　and　yet　there　was　Union　feeling　enough　left

to　elect　a　Legislature　the　next　autumn；　which　in　turn　elected　a　very

excellent　Union　United　States　senator！　I　am　a　patient　manalways

willing　to　forgive　on　the　Christian　terms　of　repentance；　and　also　to

give　ample　time　for　repentance。　　Still；　I　must　save　this　government；

if　possible。　　What　I　cannot　do；　of　course；　I　will　not　do；　but　it　may

as　well　be　understood；　once　for　all；　that　I　shall　not　surrender　this

game　leaving　any　available　card　unplayed。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　CUTHBERT　BULLITT。

（Private。）

WASHINGTON；　D。　C。；　July　28；　1862。





CUTHBERT　BULLITT；　Esq。；　New　Orleans；　Louisiana。



SIR：The　copy　of　a　letter　addressed　to　yourself　by　Mr。　Thomas　J。

Durant　has　been　shown　to　me。　　The　writer　appears　to　be　an　able；　a

dispassionate；　and　an　entirely　sincere　man。　　The　first　part　of　the

letter　is　devoted　to　an　effort　to　show　that　the　secession　ordinance

of　Louisiana　was　adopted　against　the　will　of　a　majority　of　the

people。　　This　is　probably　true；　and　in　that　fact　may　be　found　some

instruction。　　Why　did　they　allow　the　ordinance　to　go　into　effect？

Why　did　they　not　assert　themselves？　　Why　stand　passive　and　allow

themselves　to　be　trodden　down　by　minority？　　Why　did　they　not　hold

popular　meetings　and　have　a　convention　of　their　own　to　express　and

enforce　the　true　sentiment　of　the　State？　　If　preorganization　was

against　them　then；　why　not　do　this　now　that　the　United　States　army　is

present　to　protect　them？　　The　paralysisthe　dead　palsyof　the

government　in　this　whole　struggle　is　that　this　class　of　men　will　do

nothing　for　the　government；　nothing　for　themselves；　except　demanding

that　the　government　shall　not　strike　its　open　enemies；　lest　they　be

struck　by　accident！



Mr。　Durant　complains　that　in　various　ways　the　relation　of　master　and

slave　is　disturbed　by　the　presence　of　our　army；　and　he　considers　it

particularly　vexatious　that　this；　in　part；　is　done　under　cover　of　an

act　of　Congress；　while　constitutional　guaranties　are　suspended　on　the

plea　of　military　necessity。　　The　truth　is；　that　what　is　done　and

omitted　about　slaves　is　done　and　omitted　on　the　same　military

necessity。　　It　is　a　military　necessity　to　have　men　and　money；　and　we

can　get　neither　in　sufficient　numbers　or　amounts　if　we　keep　from　or

drive　from　our　lines　slaves　coming　to　them。　　　Mr。　Durant　cannot　be

ignorant　of　the　pressure　in　this　direction；　nor　of　my　efforts　to　hold

it　within　bounds　till　he　and　such　as　he　shall　have　time　to　help

themselves。



I　am　not　posted　to　speak　understandingly　on　all　the　police

regulations　of　which　Mr。　Durant　complains。　　If　experience　shows　any

one　of　them　to　be　wrong；　let　them　be　set　right。　　I　think　I　can

perceive　in　the　freedom　of　trade　which　Mr。　Durant　urges　that　he　would

relieve　both　friends　and　enemies　from　the　pressure　of　the　blockade。

By　this　he　would　serve　the　enemy　more　effectively　than　the　enemy　is

able　to　serve　himself。　　I　do　not　say　or　believe　that　to　serve　the

enemy　is　the　purpose；　of　Mr。　Durant；　or　that　he　is　conscious　of　any

purpose　other　than　national　and　patriotic　ones。　　Still；　if　there　were

a　class　of　men　who；　having　no　choice　of　sides　in　the　contest；　were

anxious　only　to　have　quiet　and　comfort　for　themselves　while　it　rages；

and　to　fall　in　with　the　victorious　side　at　the　end　of　it　without　loss

to　themselves；　their　advice　as　to　the　mode　of　conducting　the　contest

would　be　precisely　such　as　his　is。　　　He　speaks　of　no　dutyapparently

thinks　of　noneresting　upon　Union　men。　　He　even　thinks　it　injurious

to　the　Union　cause　that　they　should　be　restrained　in　trade　and

passage　without　taking　sides。　　They　are　to　touch　neither　a　sail　nor　a

pump；　but　to　be　merely　passengersdeadheads　at　thatto　be　carried

snug　and　dry　throughout　the　storm；　and　safely　landed　right　side　up。

Nay；　more：　even　a　mutineer　is　to　go　untouched；　lest　these　sacred

passengers　receive　an　accidental　wound。　　Of　course　the　rebellion　will

never　be　suppressed　in　Louisiana　if　the　professed　Union　men　there

will　neither　help　to　do　it　nor　permit　the　government　to　do　it　without

their　help。　　Now；　I　think　the　true　remedy　is　very　different　from　what

is　suggested　by　Mr。　Durant。　　It　does　not　lie　in　rounding　the　rough

angles　of　the　war；　but　in　removing　the　necessity　for　the　war。　　The

people　of　Louisiana　who　wish　protection　to　person　and　property　have

but　to　reach　forth　their　hands　and　take　it。　　Let　them　in　good　faith

reinaugurate　the　national　authority；　and　set　up　a　State　government

conforming　thereto　under　the　Constitution。　　They　know　how　to　do　it

and　can　have　the　protection　of　the　army　while　doing　it。　　The　army

will　be　withdrawn　so　soon　as　such　State　government　can　dispense　with

its　presence；　and　the　people　of　the　State　can　then；　upon　the　old

constitutional　terms；　govern　themselves　to　their　own　liking。　　This　is

very　simple　and　easy。



If　they　will　not　do　thisif　they　prefer　to　hazard　all　for　the　sake

of　destroying　the　governmentit　is　for　them　to　consider　whether　it

is　probable　I　will　surrender　the　government　to　save　them　from　losing

all。　　If　they　decline　what　I　suggest；　you　scarcely　need　to　ask　what　I

will　do。　　What　would　you　do　in　my　position？　　Would　you　drop　the　war

where　it　is？　　Or　would　you　prosecute　it　in　future　with　elder…stalk

squirts　charged　with　rose　water？　　Would　you　deal　lighter　blows　rather

than　heavier　ones？　　Would　you　give　up　the　contest；　leaving　any

available　means　unapplied？　　I　am　in　no　boastful　mood。　　I　shall　not　do

more　than　I　can；　and　I　shall　do　all　I　can；　to　save　the　government；

which　is　my　sworn　duty　as　well　as　my　personal　inclination。　　I　shall

do　nothing　in　malice。　　What　I　deal　with　is　too　vast　for　malicious

dealing。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　LOYAL　GOVERNORS。



WAR　DEPARTMENT；　WASHINGTON；　D。C。；



July　28；　1862。



GOVERNORS　OF　ALL　LOYAL　STATES：



It　would　be　of　great　service　here　for　us　to　know；　as　fully　as　you　can

tell；　what　progress　is　made　and　making　in　recruiting　for　old

regiments　in　your　State。　　Also　about　what　day　the　first　regiments　can

move　with　you；　what　the　second；　what　the　third；　and　so　on。　　This

information　is　important　to　us　in　making　calculations。　　　Please　give

it　as　promptly　and　accurately　as　you　call。



A。　LINCOLN。









BROKEN　EGGS　CANNOT　BE　MENDED



EXTRACT　FROM　LETTER　TO　AUGUST　BELMONT。



July　31；　1862。



Broken　eggs　cannot　be　mended；　but　Louisiana　has　nothing　to　do　now　but

to　take　her　place　in　the　Union　as　it　was；　barring　the　already　broken

eggs。　　The　sooner　she　does　so；　the　smaller　will　be　the　amount　of　that

which　will　be　past　mending。　　This　government　cannot　much　longer　play

a　game　in　which　it　stakes　all；　and　its　enemies　stake　nothing。　　Those

enemies　must　understand　that　they　cannot　experiment　for　ten　years

trying　to　destroy　the　government；　and　if　they　fail；　still　come　back

into　the　Union　unhurt。　　If　they　expect　in　any　contingency　to　ever

have　the　Union　as　it　was；　I　join　with　the　writer　in　saying；　〃Now　is

the　time。〃



How　much　better　it　would　have　been　for　the　writer　to　have　gone　at

this；　under　the　protection　of　the　army　at　New　Orleans；　than　to　have

sat　down　in　a　closet　writing　complaining　letters　northward！



Yours　truly；

A。　LINCOLN。









TO　COUNT　GASPARIN。



EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；



August　4；　1863。



TO　COUNT　A。　DE　GASPARIN。



DEAR　SIR　…Your　very　acceptable　letter；　dated　Orbe；　Canton　de　Vaud；

Switzerland；　18th　of　July；　1862；　is　received。　　The　moral　effect　was

the　worst　of　the　affair　before　Richmond；　and　that　has　run　its　course

downward。　　We　are　now　at　a　stand；　and　shall　soon　be　rising　again；　as

we　hope。　　I　believe　it　is　true　that；　in　men　and　material；　the　enemy

suffered　more　than　we　in　that　series　of　conflicts；　while　it　is

certain　that　he　is　less　able　to　bear　it。



With　us　every　soldier　is　a　man　of　character；　and　must　be　treated　with

more　consideration　than　is　customary　in　Europe。　　Hence　our　great

army；　for　slighter　causes　than　could　have　prevailed　there；　has

dwindled　rapidly；　bringing　the　necessity　for　a　new　call　earlier　than

was　anticipated。　　We　shall　easily　obtain　the　new　levy；　however。　　Be

not　alarmed　if　you　shall　learn　that　we　shall　have　resorted　to　a　draft

for　part　of　this。　　It　seems　strange　even　to　me；　but　it　is　true；　that

the　government　is　now　pressed　to　this　course　by　a　popular　demand。

Thousands　who　wish　not　to　personally　enter　the　service　are

nevertheless　anxious　to　pay　and　send　substitutes；　provided　they　can

have　assurance　that　unwilling　persons；　similarly　situated；　will　be

compelled　to　do　likewise。　　Besides　this；　volunteers　mostly　choose　to

enter　newly　forming　regiments；　while　drafted　men　can　be　sent　to　fill

up　the　old　ones；　wherein　man　for　man　they　are　quite　doubly　as

valuable。



You　ask；　〃Why　is　it　that　the　North　with　her　great　armies　so　often　is

found　with　inferiority　of　numbers　face　to　face　with　the　armies　of　the

South？〃　While　I　painfully　know　the　fact；　a　military　man；　which　I　am

not；　would　better　answer　the　question。　　The　fact　I　know　has　not　been

overlooked；　and　I　suppose　the　cause　of　its　continuance　lies　mainly　in

the　other　facts　that　the　enemy　holds　the　interior　and　we　the　exterior

lines；　and　that　we　operate　where　the　people　convey　information　to　the

enemy；　while　he　ope