north america-1-第56章

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he　American　ports　on　Lake　Erie；　and　had　then　begged　pardon。　　If　the　States　had　been　wrong；　they　would　beg　pardon；　but　whether　wrong　or　right；　they　would　not　give　up　Slidell　and　Mason。　　But　the　lawyers　soon　waxed　stronger。　　The　men　were　manifestly　ambassadors；　and　as　such　contraband　of　war。　　Wilkes　was　quite　right；　only　he　should　have　seized　the　vessel　also。　　He　was　quite　right；　for　though　Slidell　and　Mason　might　not　be　ambassadors；　they　were　undoubtedly　carrying　dispatches。　　In　a　few　hours　there　began　to　be　a　doubt　whether　the　men　could　be　ambassadors；　because　if　called　ambassadors；　then　the　power　that　sent　the　embassy　must　be　presumed　to　be　recognized。　　That　Captain　Wilkes　had　taken　no　dispatches；　was　true；　but　the　captain　suggested　a　way　out　of　this　difficulty　by　declaring　that　he　had　regarded　the　two　men　themselves　as　an　incarnated　embodiment　of　dispatches。　　At　any　rate；　they　were　clearly　contraband　of　war。　　They　were　going　to　do　an　injury　to　the　North。　　It　was　pretty　to　hear　the　charming　women　of　Boston；　as　they　became　learned　in　the　law　of　nations：　〃Wheaton　is　quite　clear　about　it；〃　one　young　girl　said　to　me。　　It　was　the　first　I　had　ever　heard　of　Wheaton；　and　so　far　was　obliged　to　knock　under。　　All　the　world；　ladies　and　lawyers；　expressed　the　utmost　confidence　in　the　justice　of　the　seizure；　but　it　was　clear　that　all　the　world　was　in　a　state　of　the　profoundest　nervous　anxiety　on　the　subject。　　To　me　it　seemed　to　be　the　most　suicidal　act　that　any　party　in　a　life…and…death　struggle　ever　committed。　All　Americans　on　both　sides　had　felt；　from　the　beginning　of　the　war；　that　any　assistance　given　by　England　to　one　or　the　other　would　turn　the　scale。　　The　government　of　Mr。　Lincoln　must　have　learned　by　this　time　that　England　was　at　least　true　in　her　neutrality；　that　no　desire　for　cotton　would　compel　her　to　give　aid　to　the　South　as　long　as　she　herself　was　not　ill　treated　by　the　North。　　But　it　seemed　as　though　Mr。　Seward；　the　President's　Prime　Minister；　had　no　better　work　on　hand　than　that　of　showing　in　every　way　his　indifference　as　to　courtesy　with　England。　　Insults　offered　to　England　would；　he　seemed　to　think；　strengthen　his　hands。　　He　would　let　England　know　that　he　did　not　care　for　her。　　When　our　minister；　Lord　Lyons；　appealed　to　him　regarding　the　suspension　of　the　habeas　corpus；　Mr。　Seward　not　only　answered　him　with　insolence；　but　instantly　published　his　answer　in　the　papers。　　He　instituted　a　system　of　passports；　especially　constructed　so　as　to　incommode　Englishmen　proceeding　from　the　States　across　the　Atlantic。　　He　resolved　to　make　every　Englishman　in　America　feel　himself　in　some　way　punished；　because　England　had　not　assisted　the　North。　　And　now　came　the　arrest　of　Slidell　and　Mason　out　of　an　English　mail　steamer；　and　Mr。　Seward　took　care　to　let　it　be　understood　that；　happen　what　might；　those　two　men　should　not　be　given　up。　Nothing　during　all　this　time　astonished　me　so　much　as　the　estimation　in　which　Mr。　Seward　was　then　held　by　his　own　party。　　It　is；　perhaps；　the　worst　defect　in　the　constitution　of　the　States；　that　no　incapacity　on　the　part　of　a　minister；　no　amount　of　condemnation　expressed　against　him　by　the　people　or　by　Congress；　can　put　him　out　of　office　during　the　term　of　the　existing　Presidency。　　The　President　can　dismiss　him；　but　it　generally　happens　that　the　President　is　brought　in　on　a　〃platform〃　which　has　already　nominated　for　him　his　cabinet　as　thoroughly　as　they　have　nominated　him。　　Mr。　Seward　ran　Mr。　Lincoln　very　hard　for　the　position　of　candidate　for　the　Presidency　on　the　Republican　interest。　　On　the　second　voting　of　the　Republican　delegates　at　the　Convention　at　Chicago；　Mr。　Seward　polled　184　to　Mr。　Lincoln's　181。　But　as　a　clear　half　of　the　total　number　of　votes　was　necessary　that　is；　233　out　of　465there　was　necessarily　a　third　polling；　and　Mr。　Lincoln　won　the　day。　　On　that　occasion　Mr。　Chase　and　Mr。　Cameron；　both　of　whom　became　members　of　Mr。　Lincoln's　cabinet；　were　also　candidates　for　the　White　House　on　the　Republican　side。　　I　mention　this　here　to　show　that　though　the　President　can　in　fact　dismiss　his　ministers；　he　is　in　a　great　manner　bound　to　them；　and　that　a　minister　in　Mr。　Seward's　position　is　hardly　to　be　dismissed。　But　from　the　1st　of　November；　1861；　till　the　day　on　which　I　left　the　States；　I　do　not　think　that　I　heard　a　good　word　spoken　of　Mr。　Seward　as　a　minister；　even　by　one　of　his　own　party。　　The　Radical　or　Abolitionist　Republicans　all　abused　him。　　The　Conservative　or　Anti…　abolition　Republicans；　to　whose　party　he　would　consider　himself　as　belonging；　spoke　of　him　as　a　mistake。　　He　had　been　prominent　as　Senator　from　New　York；　and　had　been　Governor　of　the　State　of　New　York；　but　had　none　of　the　aptitudes　of　a　statesman。　　He　was　there；　and　it　was　a　pity。　　He　was　not　so　bad　as　Mr。　Cameron；　the　Minister　for　War；　that　was　the　best　his　own　party　could　say　for　him；　even　in　his　own　State　of　New　York。　　As　to　the　Democrats；　their　language　respecting　him　was　as　harsh　as　any　that　I　have　heard　used　toward　the　Southern　leaders。　　He　seemed　to　have　no　friends；　no　one　who　trusted　him；　and　yet　he　was　the　President's　chief　minister；　and　seemed　to　have　in　his　own　hands　the　power　of　mismanaging　all　foreign　relations　as　he　pleased。　　But；　in　truth；　the　States　of　America；　great　as　they　are；　and　much　as　they　have　done；　have　not　produced　statesmen。　　That　theory　of　governing　by　the　little　men　rather　than　by　the　great　has　not　been　found　to　answer；　and　such　follies　as　those　of　Mr。　Seward　have　been　the　consequence。　At　Boston；　and　indeed　elsewhere；　I　found　that　there　was　even　then　at　the　time　of　the　capture　of　these　two　menno　true　conception　of　the　neutrality　of　England　with　reference　to　the　two　parties。　　When　any　argument　was　made；　showing　that　England；　who　had　carried　these　messengers　from　the　South；　would　undoubtedly　have　also　carried　messengers　from　the　North；　the　answer　always　was〃But　the　Southerners　are　all　rebels。　　Will　England　regard　us　who　are　by　treaty　her　friend；　as　she　does　a　people　that　is　in　rebellion　against　its　own　government？〃　　That　was　the　old　story　over　again；　and　as　it　was　a　very　long　story；　it　was　hardly　of　use　to　go　back　through　all　its　details。　　But　the　fact　was　that　unless　there　had　been　such　absolute　neutralitysuch　equality　between　the　parties　in　the　eyes　of　Englandeven　Captain　Wilkes　would　not　have　thought　of　stopping　the　〃Trent；〃　or　the　government　at　Washington　of　justifying　such　a　proceeding。　　And　it　must　be　remembered　that　the　government　at　Washington　had　justified　that　proceeding。　　The　Secretary　of　the　Navy　had　distinctly　done　so　in　his　official　report；　and　that　report　had　been　submitted　to　the　President　and　published　by　his　order。　　It　was　because　England　was　neutral　between　the　North　and　South　that　Captain　Wilkes　claimed　to　have　the　right　of　seizing　those　two　men。　It　had　been　the　President's　intention；　some　month　or　so　before　this　affair；　to　send　Mr。　Everett　and　other　gentlemen　over　to　England　with　objects　as　regards　the　North　similar　to　those　which　had　caused　the　sending　of　Slidell　and　Mason　with　reference　to　the　South。　　What　would　Mr。　Everett　have　thought　had　he　been　refused　a　passage　from　Dover　to　Calais；　because　the　carrying　of　him　would　have　been　toward　the　South　a　breach　of　neutrality？　　It　would　never　have　occurred　to　him　that　he　could　become　subject　to　such　stoppage。　　How　should　we　have　been　abused　for　Southern　sympathies　had　we　so　acted！　　We；　forsooth；　who　carry　passengers　about　the　world；　from　China　and　Australia；　round　to　Chili　and　Peru；　who　have　the　charge　of　the　world's　passengers　and　letters；　and　as　a　nation　incur　out　of　our　pocket　annually　loss　of　some　half　million　of　pounds　sterling　for　the　privilege　of　doing　so；　are　to　inquire　the　business　of　every　American　traveler　before　we　let　him　on　board；　and　be　stopped　in　our　work　if　we　take　anybody　on　one　side　whose　journeyings　may　be　conceived　by　the　other　side　to　be　to　them　prejudicial！　　Not　on　such　terms　will　Englishmen　be　willing　to　spread　civilization　across　the　ocean！　　I　do　not　pretend　to　understand　Wheaton　and　Phillimore；　or　even　to　have　read　a　single　word　of　any　international　law。　　I　have　refused　to　read　any　such；　knowing　that　it　would　only　confuse　and　mislead　me。　　But　I　have　my　common　sense　to　guide　me。　　Two　men　living　in　one　street；　quarrel　and　shy　brickbats　at　each　other；　and　make　the　whole　street　very　uncomfortable。　　Not　only　is　no　one　to　interfere　with　them；　but　they　are　to　have　the　privilege　of　deciding　that　their　brickbats　have　the　right　of　way；　rather　than　the　ordinary　intercourse　of　the　neighborhood！　　If　that　be　national　law；　national　law　must　be　changed。　　It　might　do　for　some　centuries　back；　but　it　cannot　do　now。　　Up　to　this　period　my　sympathies　had　been　with　the　North。　　I　thought；　and　still　think；　that　the　North　had　no　alternative；　that　the　war　had　been　forced　upon　them；　and　that　they　had　gone　about　their　work　with　patriotic　energy。　　But　this　stopping　of　an　English　mail　steamer　was　too　much　for　me。　What　will　they　do　in　England？　was　now　the　question。　　But　for　any　knowledge　as　to　that　I　had　to　wait　till　I　reached　Washington。

CHAPTER　XVII。　CAMBRIDGE　AND　LOWELL。

The　two　places　of　most　general　interest　in　the　vicinity　of　Boston　are　Cambridge　and　Lowell。　　Cambridge　is　to　Massachusetts；　and；　I　may　almost　say；　is　to　all　the　Northern　States；　what　Cambridge　and　Oxford　are　to　England。　　It　is　the　seat　of　the　university　which　gives　the　highest　education　to　be　attained　by　the　highest　classes　in　that　country。　　Lowell　also　is　in　little　to　Massachusetts　and　to　New　England　what　Manchester　is　to　us　in　so　great　a　degree。　　It　is　the　largest　and　most　prosperous　cotton…manufacturing　town　in　the　States。　Cambridge　is　not　above　three　or　four　miles　from　Boston。　　Indeed；　the　town　of　Cambridge　properly　so　called　begins　where　Boston　ceases。　　The　Harvard　Collegethat　is　its　name；　taken　from　one　of　its　original　foundersis　reached　by　horse…cars　in　twenty　minutes　from　the　city。　　An　Englishman　feels　inclined　to　regard　the　place　as　a　suburb　of　Boston；　but　if　he　so　expresses　himself；　he　will　not　find　favor　in　the　eyes　of　the　men　of　Cambridge。　The　university　is　not　so　large　as　I　had　expected　to　find　it。　　It　consists　of　Harvard　College；　as　the　undergraduates'　department；　and　of　professional　schools　of　law；　medicine；　divinity；　and　science。　In　the　few　words　that　I　will　say　about　it　I　will　confine　myself　to　Harvard　College　proper；　conceiving　that　the　professional　schools　connected　with　it　have　not　in　themselves　any　special　interest。　　The　average　number　of　undergraduates　does　not　exceed　450；　and　these　are　divided　into　four　classes。　　The　average　number　of　degrees　taken　annually　by　bachelors　of　art　is　something　under　100。　　Four　years'　residence　is　required　for　a　degree；　and　at　the　end　of　that　period　a　degree　is　given　as　a　matter　of　course　if　the　candidate's　conduct　has　been　satisfactory。　　When　a　young　man　has　pursued　his　studies　for　that　period；　going　through　the　required　examinations　and　lectures；　he　is　not　subjected　to　any　final　examination　as　is　the　case　with　a　candidate　for　a　degree　at　Oxford　and　Cambridge。　　It　is；　perhaps；　in　this　respect　that　the　greatest　difference　exists　between　the　English　universities　and　Harvard　College。　　With　us　a　young　man　may；　I　take　it；　still　go　through　his　three　or　four　years　with　a　small　amount　of　study。　　But　his　doing　so　does　not　insure　him　his　degree。　　If　he　h