north america-1-第42章

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　compromise　I　will　endeavor　to　explain　hereafter；　but　the　terms　and　meaning　of　that　compromise　can　have　no　bearing　on　the　subject。　　The　Republican　party　who　were　in　power　disapproved　of　that　compromise；　and　could　not　model　their　course　upon　it。　　The　Republican　party　may　have　been　right　or　may　have　been　wrong；　but　surely　it　will　not　be　argued　that　any　political　party　elected　to　power　by　a　majority　should　follow　the　policy　of　a　minority；　lest　that　minority　should　rebel。　　I　can　conceive　of　no　government　more　lowly　placed　than　one　which　deserts　the　policy　of　the　majority　which　supports　it；　fearing　either　the　tongues　or　arms　of　a　minority。　As　the　next　scene　in　the　play；　the　State　of　South　Carolina　bombarded　Fort　Sumter。　　Was　that　to　be　the　moment　for　a　peaceable　separation？　　Let　us　suppose　that　O'Connell　had　marched　down　to　the　Pigeon　House；　at　Dublin；　and　had　taken　it；　in　1843；　let　us　say；　would　that　have　been　an　argument　to　us　for　allowing　Ireland　to　set　up　for　herself？　　Is　that　the　way　of　men's　minds；　or　of　the　minds　of　nations？　　The　powers　of　the　President　were　defined　by　law；　as　agreed　upon　among　all　the　States　of　the　Union；　and　against　that　power　and　against　that　law　South　Carolina　raised　her　hand；　and　the　other　States　joined　her　in　rebellion。　　When　circumstances　had　come　to　that；　it　was　no　longer　possible　that　the　North　should　shun　the　war。　　To　my　thinking　the　rights　of　rebellion　are　holy。　　Where　would　the　world　have　been；　or　where　would　the　world　hope　to　be；　without　rebellion？　　But　let　rebellion　look　the　truth　in　the　face；　and　not　blanch　from　its　own　consequences。　　She　has　to　judge　her　own　opportunities　and　to　decide　on　her　own　fitness。　　Success　is　the　test　of　her　judgment。　　But　rebellion　can　never　be　successful　except　by　overcoming　the　power　against　which　she　raises　herself。　　She　has　no　right　to　expect　bloodless　triumphs；　and　if　she　be　not　the　stronger　in　the　encounter　which　she　creates；　she　must　bear　the　penalty　of　her　rashness。　　Rebellion　is　justified　by　being　better　served　than　constituted　authority；　but　cannot　be　justified　otherwise。　　Now　and　again　it　may　happen　that　rebellion's　cause　is　so　good　that　constituted　authority　will　fall　to　the　ground　at　the　first　glance　of　her　sword。　　This　was　so　the　other　day　in　Naples；　when　Garibaldi　blew　away　the　king's　armies　with　a　breath。　　But　this　is　not　so　often。　　Rebellion　knows　that　it　must　fight；　and　the　legalized　power　against　which　rebels　rise　must　of　necessity　fight　also。　I　cannot　see　at　what　point　the　North　first　sinned；　nor　do　I　think　that　had　the　North　yielded；　England　would　have　honored　her　for　her　meekness。　　Had　she　yielded　without　striking　a　blow；　she　would　have　been　told　that　she　had　suffered　the　Union　to　drop　asunder　by　her　supineness。　　She　would　have　been　twitted　with　cowardice；　and　told　that　she　was　no　match　for　Southern　energy。　　It　would　then　have　seemed　to　those　who　sat　in　judgment　on　her　that　she　might　have　righted　everything　by　that　one　blow　from　which　she　had　abstained。　But　having　struck　that　one　blow；　and　having　found　that　it　did　not　suffice；　could　she　then　withdraw；　give　way；　and　own　herself　beaten？　Has　it　been　so　usually　with　Anglo…Saxon　pluck？　　In　such　case　as　that；　would　there　have　been　no　mention　of　those　two　dogs；　Brag　and　Holdfast？　　The　man　of　the　Northern　States　knows　that　he　has　braggedbragged　as　loudly　as　his　English　forefathers。　　In　that　matter　of　bragging；　the　British　lion　and　the　star…spangled　banner　may　abstain　from　throwing　mud　at　each　other。　　And　now　the　Northern　man　wishes　to　show　that　he　can　hold　fast　also。　　Looking　at　all　this　I　cannot　see　that　peace　has　been　possible　to　the　North。　As　to　the　question　of　secession　and　rebellion　being　one　and　the　same　thing；　the　point　to　me　does　not　seem　to　bear　an　argument。　　The　confederation　of　States　had　a　common　army；　a　common　policy；　a　common　capital；　a　common　government；　and　a　common　debt。　　If　one　might　secede；　any　or　all　might　secede；　and　where　then　would　be　their　property；　their　debt；　and　their　servants？　　A　confederation　with　such　a　license　attached　to　it　would　have　been　simply　playing　at　national　power。　　If　New　York　had　secededa　State　which　stretches　from　the　Atlantic　to　British　North　Americait　would　have　cut　New　England　off　from　the　rest　of　the　Union。　　Was　it　legally　within　the　power　of　New　York　to　place　the　six　States　of　New　England　in　such　a　position？　　And　why　should　it　be　assumed　that　so　suicidal　a　power　of　destroying　a　nationality　should　be　inherent　in　every　portion　of　the　nation？　　The　Slates　are　bound　together　by　a　written　compact；　but　that　compact　gives　each　State　no　such　power。　　Surely　such　a　power　would　have　been　specified　had　it　been　intended　that　it　should　be　given。　　But　there　are　axioms　in　politics　as　in　mathematics；　which　recommend　themselves　to　the　mind　at　once；　and　require　no　argument　for　their　proof。　　Men　who　are　not　argumentative　perceive　at　once　that　they　are　true。　　A　part　cannot　be　greater　than　the　whole。　I　think　it　is　plain　that　the　remnant　of　the　Union　was　bound　to　take　up　arms　against　those　States　which　had　illegally　torn　themselves　off　from　her；　and　if　so；　she　could　only　do　so　with　such　weapons　as　were　at　her　hand。　　The　United　States　army　had　never　been　numerous　or　well　appointed；　and　of　such　officers　and　equipments　as　it　possessed；　the　more　valuable　part　was　in　the　hands　of　the　Southerners。　　It　was　clear　enough　that　she　was　ill　provided；　and　that　in　going　to　war　she　was　undertaking　a　work　as　to　which　she　had　still　to　learn　many　of　the　rudiments。　　But　Englishmen　should　be　the　last　to　twit　her　with　such　ignorance。　　It　is　not　yet　ten　years　since　we　were　all　boasting　that　swords　and　guns　were　useless　things；　and　that　military　expenditure　might　be　cut　down　to　any　minimum　figure　that　an　economizing　Chancellor　of　the　Exchequer　could　name。　　Since　that　we　have　extemporized　two　if　not　three　armies。　　There　are　our　volunteers　at　home；　and　the　army　which　holds　India　can　hardly　be　considered　as　one　with　that　which　is　to　maintain　our　prestige　in　Europe　and　the　West。　　We　made　some　natural　blunders　in　the　Crimea；　but　in　making　those　blunders　we　taught　ourselves　the　trade。　　It　is　the　misfortune　of　the　Northern　States　that　they　must　learn　these　lessons　in　fighting　their　own　countrymen。　　In　the　course　of　our　history　we　have　suffered　the　same　calamity　more　than　once。　　The　Round…heads；　who　beat　the　Cavaliers　and　created　English　liberty；　made　themselves　soldiers　on　the　bodies　of　their　countrymen。　　But　England　was　not　ruined　by　that　civil　war；　nor　was　she　ruined　by　those　which　preceded　it。　　From　out　of　these　she　came　forth　stronger　than　she　entered　themstronger；　better；　and　more　fit　for　a　great　destiny　in　the　history　of　nations。　　The　Northern　States　had　nearly　five　hundred　thousand　men　under　arms　when　the　winter　of　1861　commenced；　and　for　that　enormous　multitude　all　commissariat　requirements　were　well　supplied。　　Camps　and　barracks　sprang　up　through　the　country　as　though　by　magic。　Clothing　was　obtained　with　a　rapidity　that　has　I　think；　never　been　equaled。　　The　country　had　not　been　prepared　for　the　fabrication　of　arms；　and　yet　arms　were　put　into　the　men's　hands　almost　as　quickly　as　the　regiments　could　be　mustered。　　The　eighteen　millions　of　the　Northern　States　lent　themselves　to　the　effort　as　one　man。　　Each　State　gave　the　best　it　had　to　give。　　Newspapers　were　as　rabid　against　each　other　as　ever；　but　no　newspaper　could　live　which　did　not　support　the　war。　　〃The　South　has　rebelled　against　the　law；　and　the　law　shall　be　supported。〃　　This　has　been　the　cry　and　the　heartfelt　feeling　of　all　men；　and　it　is　a　feeling　which　cannot　but　inspire　respect。　We　have　heard　much　of　the　tyranny　of　the　present　government　of　the　United　States；　and　of　the　tyranny　also　of　the　people。　　They　have　both　been　very　tyrannical。　　The　〃habeas　corpus〃　has　been　suspended　by　the　word　of　one　man。　　Arrests　have　been　made　on　men　who　have　been　hardly　suspected　of　more　than　secession　principles。　　Arrests　have；　I　believe；　been　made　in　cases　which　have　been　destitute　even　of　any　fair　ground　for　such　suspicion。　　Newspapers　have　been　stopped　for　advocating　views　opposed　to　the　feelings　of　the　North；　as　freely　as　newspapers　were　ever　stopped　in　France　for　opposing　the　Emperor。　　A　man　has　not　been　safe　in　the　streets　who　was　known　to　be　a　secessionist。　　It　must　be　at　once　admitted　that　opinion　in　the　Northern　States　was　not　free　when　I　was　there。　　But　has　opinion　ever　been　free　anywhere　on　all　subjects？　　In　the　best　built　strongholds　of　freedom；　have　there　not　always　been　questions　on　which　opinion　has　not　been　free；　and　must　it　not　always　be　so？　When　the　decision　of　a　people　on　any　matter　has　become；　so　to　say；　unanimouswhen　it　has　shown　itself　to　be　so　general　as　to　be　clearly　the　expression　of　the　nation's　voice　as　a　single　chorus；　that　decision　becomes　holy；　and　may　not　be　touched。　　Could　any　newspaper　be　produced　in　England　which　advocated　the　overthrow　of　the　Queen？　　And　why　may　not　the　passion　for　the　Union　be　as　strong　with　the　Northern　States；　as　the　passion　for　the　Crown　is　strong　with　us？　　The　Crown　with　us　is　in　no　danger；　and　therefore　the　matter　is　at　rest。　　But　I　think　we　must　admit　that　in　any　nation；　let　it　be　ever　so　free；　there　may　be　points　on　which　opinion　must　be　held　under　restraint。　　And　as　to　those　summary　arrests；　and　the　suspension　of　the　〃habeas　corpus；〃　is　there　not　something　to　be　said　for　the　States　government　on　that　head　also？　　Military　arrests　are　very　dreadful；　and　the　soul　of　a　nation's　liberty　is　that　personal　freedom　from　arbitrary　interference　which　is　signified　to　the　world　by　those　two　unintelligible　Latin　words。　　A　man's　body　shalt　not　be　kept　in　duress　at　any　man's　will；　but　shall　be　brought　up　into　open　court；　with　uttermost　speed；　in　order　that　the　law　may　say　whether　or　no　it　should　be　kept　in　duress。　　That　I　take　it　is　the　meaning　of　〃habeas　corpus；〃　and　it　is　easy　to　see　that　the　suspension　of　that　privilege　destroys　all　freedom；　and　places　the　liberty　of　every　individual　at　the　mercy　of　him　who　has　the　power　to　suspend　it。　　Nothing　can　be　worse　than　this：　and　such　suspension；　if　extended　over　any　long　period　of　years；　will　certainly　make　a　nation　weak；　mean　spirited；　and　poor。　　But　in　a　period　of　civil　war；　or　even　of　a　widely…extended　civil　commotion；　things　cannot　work　in　their　accustomed　grooves。　　A　lady　does　not　willingly　get　out　of　her　bedroom…window　with　nothing　on　but　her　nightgown；　but　when　her　house　is　on　fire　she　is　very　thankful　for　an　opportunity　of　doing　so。　　It　is　not　long　since　the　〃habeas　corpus〃　was　suspended　in　parts　of　Ireland；　and　absurd　arrests　were　made　almost　daily　when　that　suspension　first　took　effect。　　It　was　grievous　that　there　should　be　necessity　for　such　a　step；　and　it　is　very　grievous　now　that　such　necessity　should　be　felt　in　the　Northern　States。　　But　I　do　not　think　that　it　becomes　Englishmen　to　bear　hardly　upon　Americans　generally　for　what　has　been　done　in　that　matter。　　Mr。　Seward；　in　an　official　letter　to　the　British　Minister　at　Washingtonwhich　letter；　through　official　dishonesty；　found　its　way　to　the　pressclaimed　for　the　President　the　right　of　suspending　the　〃habeas　corpus〃　in　the　States　whenever　it　might　seem　good　to　him　to　do　so。　　If　this　be　in　accordance　with　the　law　of　the　land；　which　I　think　must　be　doubted；　the　law　of　the　land　is　not　favorable　to　freedom。　　For　myself；　I　conceive　that　Mr