north america-1-第2章

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；　and　thus；　earlier　or　later　in　life；　according　to　the　nature　of　his　intelligence；　he　understands　why　it　is　that　he　is　at　all　points　a　free　man。　　But　if　this　be　so　of　our　own　politics；　if　it　be　so　rare　a　thing　to　find　a　foreigner　who　understands　them　in　all　their　niceties；　why　is　it　that　we　are　so　confident　in　our　remarks　on　all　the　niceties　of　those　of　other　nations？　I　hope　that　I　may　not　be　misunderstood　as　saying　that　we　should　not　discuss　foreign　politics　in　our　press；　our　parliament；　our　public　meetings；　or　our　private　houses。　　No　man　could　be　mad　enough　to　preach　such　a　doctrine。　　As　regards　our　parliament；　that　is　probably　the　best　British　school　of　foreign　politics；　seeing　that　the　subject　is　not　there　often　taken　up　by　men　who　are　absolutely　ignorant；　and　that　mistakes　when　made　are　subject　to　a　correction　which　is　both　rough　and　ready。　　The　press；　though　very　liable　to　error；　labors　hard　at　its　vocation　in　teaching　foreign　politics；　and　spares　no　expense　in　letting　in　daylight。　　If　the　light　let　in　be　sometimes　moonshine；　excuse　may　easily　be　made。　　Where　so　much　is　attempted；　there　must　necessarily　be　some　failure。　　But　even　the　moonshine　does　good　if　it　be　not　offensive　moonshine。　　What　I　would　deprecate　is；　that　aptness　at　reproach　which　we　assume；　the　readiness　with　scorn；　the　quiet　words　of　insult；　the　instant　judgment　and　condemnation　with　which　we　are　so　inclined　to　visit；　not　the　great　outward　acts；　but　the　smaller　inward　politics　of　our　neighbors。　And　do　others　spare　us？　will　be　the　instant　reply　of　all　who　may　read　this。　　In　my　counter　reply　I　make　bold　to　place　myself　and　my　country　on　very　high　ground；　and　to　say　that　we；　the　older　and　therefore　more　experienced　people　as　regards　the　United　States；　and　the　better　governed　as　regards　France；　and　the　stronger　as　regards　all　the　world　beyond；　should　not　throw　mud　again　even　though　mud　be　thrown　at　us。　　I　yield　the　path　to　a　small　chimney…sweeper　as　readily　as　to　a　lady；　and　forbear　from　an　interchange　of　courtesies　with　a　Billingsgate　heroine；　even　though　at　heart　I　may　have　a　proud　consciousness　that　I　should　not　altogether　go　to　the　wall　in　such　an　encounter。　I　left　England　in　August　lastAugust；　1861。　　At　that　time；　and　for　some　months　previous；　I　think　that　the　general　English　feeling　on　the　American　question　was　as　follows：　〃This　wide…spread　nationality　of　the　United　States；　with　its　enormous　territorial　possessions　and　increasing　population；　has　fallen　asunder；　torn　to　pieces　by　the　weight　of　its　own　discordant　partsas　a　congregation　when　its　size　has　become　unwieldy　will　separate；　and　reform　itself　into　two　wholesome　wholes。　　It　is　well　that　this　should　be　so；　for　the　people　are　not　homogeneous；　as　a　people　should　be　who　are　called　to　live　together　as　one　nation。　　They　have　attempted　to　combine　free…　soil　sentiments　with　the　practice　of　slavery；　and　to　make　these　two　antagonists　live　together　in　peace　and　unity　under　the　same　roof；　but；　as　we　have　long　expected；　they　have　failed。　　Now　has　come　the　period　for　separation；　and　if　the　people　would　only　see　this；　and　act　in　accordance　with　the　circumstances　which　Providence　and　the　inevitable　hand　of　the　world's　Ruler　has　prepared　for　them；　all　would　be　well。　　But　they　will　not　do　this。　　They　will　go　to　war　with　each　other。　　The　South　will　make　her　demands　for　secession　with　an　arrogance　and　instant　pressure　which　exasperates　the　North；　and　the　North；　forgetting　that　an　equable　temper　in　such　matters　is　the　most　powerful　of　all　weapons；　will　not　recognize　the　strength　of　its　own　position。　　It　allows　itself　to　be　exasperated；　and　goes　to　war　for　that　which　if　regained　would　only　be　injurious　to　it。　Thus　millions　on　millions　sterling　will　be　spent。　　A　heavy　debt　will　be　incurred；　and　the　North；　which　divided　from　the　South　might　take　its　place　among　the　greatest　of　nations；　will　throw　itself　back　for　half　a　century；　and　perhaps　injure　the　splendor　of　its　ultimate　prospects。　　If　only　they　would　be　wise；　throw　down　their　arms；　and　agree　to　part！　　But　they　will　not。〃　This　was　I　think　the　general　opinion　when　I　left　England。　　It　would　not；　however；　be　necessary　to　go　back　many　months　to　reach　the　time　when　Englishmen　were　saying　how　impossible　it　was　that　so　great　a　national　power　should　ignore　its　own　greatness　and　destroy　its　own　power　by　an　internecine　separation。　　But　in　August　last　all　that　had　gone　by；　and　we　in　England　had　realized　the　probability　of　actual　secession。　To　these　feelings　on　the　subject　maybe　added　another；　which　was　natural　enough　though　perhaps　not　noble。　　〃These　western　cocks　have　crowed　loudly；〃　we　said；　〃too　loudly　for　the　comfort　of　those　who　live　after　all　at　no　such　great　distance　from　them。　　It　is　well　that　their　combs　should　be　clipped。　　Cocks　who　crow　so　very　loudly　are　a　nuisance。　　It　might　have　gone　so　far　that　the　clipping　would　become　a　work　necessarily　to　be　done　from　without。　　But　it　is　ten　times　better　for　all　parties　that　it　should　be　done　from　within；　and　as　the　cocks　are　now　clipping　their　own　combs；　in　God's　name　let　them　do　it；　and　the　whole　world　will　be　the　quieter。〃　　That；　I　say；　was　not　a　very　noble　idea；　but　it　was　natural　enough；　and　certainly　has　done　somewhat　in　mitigating　that　grief　which　the　horrors　of　civil　war　and　the　want　of　cotton　have　caused　to　us　in　England。　Such　certainly　had　been　my　belief　as　to　the　country。　　I　speak　here　of　my　opinion　as　to　the　ultimate　success　of　secession　and　the　folly　of　the　war；　repudiating　any　concurrence　of　my　own　in　the　ignoble　but　natural　sentiment　alluded　to　in　the　last　paragraph。　　I　certainly　did　think　that　the　Northern　States；　if　wise；　would　have　let　the　Southern　States　go。　　I　had　blamed　Buchanan　as　a　traitor　for　allowing　the　germ　of　secession　to　make　any　growth；　and　as　I　thought　him　a　traitor　then；　so　do　I　think　him　a　traitor　now。　　But　I　had　also　blamed　Lincoln；　or　rather　the　government　of　which　Mr。　Lincoln　in　this　matter　is　no　more　than　the　exponent；　for　his　efforts　to　avoid　that　which　is　inevitable。　　In　this　I　think　that　Ior　as　I　believe　I　may　say　we；　we　Englishmenwere　wrong。　　I　do　not　see　how　the　North；　treated　as　it　was　and　had　been；　could　have　submitted　to　secession　without　resistance。　　We　all　remember　what　Shakspeare　says　of　the　great　armies　which　were　led　out　to　fight　for　a　piece　of　ground　not　large　enough　to　cover　the　bodies　of　those　who　would　be　slain　in　the　battle；　but　I　do　not　remember　that　Shakspeare　says　that　the　battle　was　on　this　account　necessarily　unreasonable。　　It　is　the　old　point　of　honor　which；　till　it　had　been　made　absurd　by　certain　changes　of　circumstances；　was　always　grand　and　usually　beneficent。　　These　changes　of　circumstances　have　altered　the　manner　in　which　appeal　may　be　made；　but　have　not　altered　the　point　of　honor。　　Had　the　Southern　States　sought　to　obtain　secession　by　constitutional　means；　they　might　or　might　not　have　been　successful；　but　if　successful；　there　would　have　been　no　war。　　I　do　not　mean　to　brand　all　the　Southern　States　with　treason；　nor　do　I　intend　to　say　that；　having　secession　at　heart；　they　could　have　obtained　it　by　constitutional　means。　　But　I　do　intend　to　say　that；　acting　as　they　did；　demanding　secession　not　constitutionally；　but　in　opposition　to　the　constitution；　taking　upon　themselves　the　right　of　breaking　up　a　nationality　of　which　they　formed　only　a　part；　and　doing　that　without　consent　of　the　other　part；　opposition　from　the　North　and　war　was　an　inevitable　consequence。　It　is；　I　think；　only　necessary　to　look　back　to　the　Revolution　by　which　the　United　States　separated　themselves　from　England　to　see　this。　　There　is　hardly　to　be　met；　here　and　there；　an　Englishman　who　now　regrets　the　loss　of　the　revolted　American　colonies；　who　now　thinks　that　civilization　was　retarded　and　the　world　injured　by　that　revolt；　who　now　conceives　that　England　should　have　expended　more　treasure　and　more　lives　in　the　hope　of　retaining　those　colonies。　It　is　agreed　that　the　revolt　was　a　good　thing；　that　those　who　were　then　rebels　became　patriots　by　success；　and　that　they　deserved　well　of　all　coming　ages　of　mankind。　　But　not　the　less　absolutely　necessary　was　it　that　England　should　endeavor　to　hold　her　own。　　She　was　as　the　mother　bird　when　the　young　bird　will　fly　alone。　　She　suffered　those　pangs　which　Nature　calls　upon　mothers　to　endure。　As　was　the　necessity　of　British　opposition　to　American　independence；　so　was　the　necessity　of　Northern　opposition　to　Southern　secession。　　I　do　not　say　that　in　other　respects　the　two　cases　were　parallel。　　The　States　separated　from　us　because　they　would　not　endure　taxation　without　representationin　other　words；　because　they　were　old　enough　and　big　enough　to　go　alone。　　The　South　is　seceding　from　the　North　because　the　two　are　not　homogeneous。　They　have　different　instincts；　different　appetites；　different　morals；　and　a　different　culture。　　It　is　well　for　one　man　to　say　that　slavery　has　caused　the　separation；　and　for　another　to　say　that　slavery　has　not　caused　it。　　Each　in　so　saying　speaks　the　truth。　Slavery　has　caused　it；　seeing　that　slavery　is　the　great　point　on　which　the　two　have　agreed　to　differ。　　But　slavery　has　not　caused　it；　seeing　that　other　points　of　difference　are　to　be　found　in　every　circumstance　and　feature　of　the　two　people。　　The　North　and　the　South　must　ever　be　dissimilar。　　In　the　North　labor　will　always　be　honorable；　and　because　honorable；　successful。　　In　the　South　labor　has　ever　been　servileat　least　in　some　senseand　therefore　dishonorable；　and　because　dishonorable；　has　not；　to　itself；　been　successful。　　In　the　South；　I　say；　labor　ever　has　been　dishonorable；　and　I　am　driven　to　confess　that　I　have　not　hitherto　seen　a　sign　of　any　change　in　the　Creator's　fiat　on　this　matter。　　That　labor　will　be　honorable　all　the　world　over　as　years　advance　and　the　millennium　draws　nigh；　I　for　one　never　doubt。　So　much　for　English　opinion　about　America　in　August　last。　　And　now　I　will　venture　to　say　a　word　or　two　as　to　American　feeling　respecting　this　English　opinion　at　that　period。　　It　will　of　course　be　remembered　by　all　my　readers　that；　at　the　beginning　of　the　war；　Lord　Russell；　who　was　then　in　the　lower　house；　declared；　as　Foreign　Secretary　of　State；　that　England　would　regard　the　North　and　South　as　belligerents；　and　would　remain　neutral　as　to　both　of　them。　　This　declaration　gave　violent　offense　to　the　North；　and　has　been　taken　as　indicating　British　sympathy　with　the　cause　of　the　seceders。　　I　am　not　going　to　explainindeed；　it　would　be　necessary　that　I　should　first　understandthe　laws　of　nations　with　regard　to　blockaded　ports；　privateering；　ships　and　men　and　goods　contraband　of　war；　and　all　those　semi…nautical；　semi…military　rules　and　axioms　which　it　is　necessary　that　all　attorneys…general　and　such　like　should；　at　the　present　moment；　have　at　their　fingers'　end。　　But　it　must　be　evident　to　the　most　ignorant　in　those　matters；　among　which　large　crowd　I　certainly　include　myself；　that　it　was　essentially　necessary　that　Lord　John　Russell　should　at　that　time　declare　openly　what　England　intended　to　do。　　It　was　essential　that　our　seamen　should　know　where　they　would　be　protected　and　where　not；　and　that　the　course　to　be　taken　by　England　should　be　defined。　　Reticence　in　the　matter　was　not　within　the　power　of　the　British　government。　　It　behooved　the　Foreign　Secretary　of　State　to　declare　openly　that　England　intended　to　side　either　wi