theodore roosevelt-第24章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


　civilization　and　the　protection　of　the　United　States　were　attended　to。　He　lived　long　enough　to　condemn　the　proposal　of　some　of　our　morbidly　conscientious　people；　hypnotized　by　the　same　old　crafty　Colombians；　to　pay　Colombia　a　gratuity　five　times　greater　than　that　which　General　Reyes　would　have　thankfully　received　in　December；　1903。

Persons　of　different　temperaments；　but　of　equal　patriotism　and　sincerity；　will　probably　pass　different　verdicts　on　this　incident　for　a　long　time　to　come。　Mr。　Leupp　quotes　a　member　of　Roosevelt's　Administration　as　stating　four　alternative　courses　the　President　might　have　followed。　First；　he　might　have　let　matters　drift　until　Congress　met；　and　then　sent　a　message　on　the　subject；　shifting　the　responsibility　from　his　own　shoulders　to　those　of　the　Congressmen。　Secondly；　he　might　have　put　down　the　rebellion　and　restored　Panama　to　Colombia；　but　this　would　have　been　to　subject　them　against　their　will　to　a　foreign　enemyan　enormity　the　Anti…Imperialists　were　still　decrying　in　our　holding　the　Philippines　against　the　will　of　their　inhabitants。　Thirdly；　he　might　have　withdrawn　American　warships　and　left　Colombia　to　fight　it　out　with　the　Panamaniansbut　this　would　have　involved　bloodshed；　tumult；　and　interruption　of　transit　across　the　Isthmus；　which　the　United　States；　by　the　agreement　of　1846；　were　bound　to　prevent。　Finally；　he　might　recognize　any　de　facto　government　ready　and　willing　to　transact　businessand　this　he　did。*

*　Leupp；　10…11。


That　the　Colombian　politicians；　who　repudiated　the　treaty　Herran　had　framed；　were　blackmailers　of　the　lowest　sort；　is　as　indisputable　as　is　the　fact　that　whoever　begins　to　compromise　with　a　blackmailer　is　lured　farther　and　farther　into　a　bog　until　he　is　finally　swallowed　up。　Americans　should　know　also　that　during　the　summer　and　autumn　of　1903；　German　agents　were　busy　in　Bogota。　and　that；　since　German　capitalists　had　openly　announced　their　desire　to　buy　up　the　French　Company's　concession；　we　may　guess　that　they　did　not　urge　Colombia　to　fulfill　her　obligation　to　the　United　States。

Many　years　later　I　discussed　the　transaction　with　Mr。　Roosevelt；　chaffing　him　with　being　a　wicked　conspirator。　He　laughed；　and　replied：　〃　What　was　the　use？　The　other　fellows　in　Paris　and　New　York　had　taken　all　the　risk　and　were　doing　all　the　work。　Instead　of　trying　to　run　a　parallel　conspiracy；　I　had　only　to　sit　still　and　profit　by　their　plotif　it　succeeded。〃　He　said　also　that　he　had　intended　issuing　a　public　announcement　that；　if　Colombia　by　a　given　date　refused　to　come　to　terms；　he　would　seize　the　Canal　Zone　in　behalf　of　civilization。　I　told　him　I　rather　wished　that　he　had　accomplished　his　purpose　in　that　way；　but　he　answered　that　events　matured　too　quickly；　and　that；　in　any　case；　where　swift　action　was　required；　the　Executive　and　not　Congress　must　decide。



CHAPTER　XII。　THE　GREAT　CRUSADE　AT　HOME

These　early　diplomatic　settlements　in　Roosevelt's　Administration　showed　the　world　that　the　United　States　now　had　a　President　who　did　not　seek　quarrels；　but　who　was　not　afraid　of　them；　who　never　bluffed；　becauseunlike　President　Cleveland　and　Secretary　Olney　with　their　Venezuela　Message　in　1895he　never　made　a　threat　which　he　could　not　back　up　at　the　moment。　There　was　no　longer　a　bed　of　roses　to　stifle　opposition；　whosoever　hit　at　the　United　States　would　encounter　a　barrier　of　long；　sharp；　and　unbending　thorns。

These　particular　achievements　in　foreign　affairs；　and　others　which　I　shall　mention　later；　gave　Roosevelt　and　his　country　great　prestige　abroad　and　the　admiration　of　a　large　part　of　his　countrymen。　But　his　truly　significant　work　related　to　home　affairs。　Now　at　last；　he；　the　young　David　of　the　New　Ideals；　was　to　go　forth；　if　he　dared；　and　do　battle　with　the　Goliath　of　Conservatism。　With　him　there　was　no　question　of　daring。　He　had　been　waiting　for　twenty　years　for　this　opportunity。　Such　a　conflict　or　duel　has　rarely　been　witnessed；　because　it　rarely　happens　that　an　individual　who　consciously　embodies　the　aims　of　an　epoch　is　accepted　by　that　epoch　as　its　champion。　Looking　backward；　we　see　that　Abraham　Lincoln　typified　the　ideals　of　Freedom　and　Union　which　were　the　supreme　issues　of　his　time；　but　this　recognition　has　come　chiefly　since　his　death。　In　like　fashion　I　believe　that　Roosevelt's　significance　as　a　champion　of　Liberty；　little　suspected　by　his　contemporaries　and　hardly　surmised　even　now；　will　require　the　lapse　of　another　generation　before　it　is　universally　understood。

Many　obvious　reasons　account　for　this。　Most　of　the　internal　reforms　which　Roosevelt　struggled　for　lacked　the　dramatic　quality　or　the　picturesqueness　which　appeals　to　average；　dull；　unimaginative　men　and　women。　The　heroism　of　the　medical　experimenter　who　voluntarily　contracts　yellow　fever　and　diesand　thereby　saves　myriads　of　livesmakes　little　impression　on　the　ordinary　person；　who　can　be　roused　only　by　stories　of　battle　heroism；　of　soldiers　and　torpedoes。　And　yet　the　attacks　which　Roosevelt　made；　while　they　did　not　involve　death；　called　for　the　highest　kind　of　civic　courage　and　fortitude。

Then　again　a　political　combat　with　tongues　and　arguments　seldom　conveys　the　impression　that　through　it　irrevocable　Fate　gives　its　decision　to　the　same　extent　that　a　contest　by　swords　and　volleys　does。　Political　campaigns　are　a　competition　of　parties　and　only　the　immediate　partisans　who　direct　and　carry　on　the　fight；　grow　very　hot。　The　great　majority　of　a　party　is　not　fanatical；　and　a　citizen　who　has　witnessed　many　elections；　some　for　and　some　against　him；　comes　instinctively　to　feel　that　whoever　wins　the　country　is　safe。　He　discounts　the　cries　of　alarm　and　the　abuse　by　opponents。　And　only　in　his　most　expansive　moments　does　he　flatter　himself　that　his　party　really　represents　the　State。　The　Republican　Party；　through　which　President　Roosevelt　had　to　work；　was　by　no　means　an　ideal　instrument。　He　believed　in　Republicanism；　with　a　faith　only　less　devoted　than　that　with　which　he　embraced　the　fundamental　duties　and　spiritual　facts　of　life。　But　the　Republicanism　which　he　revered　must　be　interpreted　by　himself；　and　the　party　which　bore　the　name　Republican　was　split　into　several　sections；　mutually　discordant　if　not　actually　hostile。　It　seems　no　exaggeration　to　say　that　the　underlying　motive　of　the　majority　of　the　Republican　Party　during　Roosevelt's　Presidency　was　to　uphold　Privilege；　just　as　much　as　the　underlying　purpose　of　the　great　Whig　Party　in　England　in　the　eighteenth　century　was　to　uphold　Aristocracy。　Roosevelt's　purpose；　on　the　contrary；　was　to　clip　the　arrogance　of　Privilege　based　on　Plutocracy。　To　achieve　this　he　must；　in　some　measure；　compel　the　party　of　Plutocracy　to　help　him。　I　speak；　so　far　as　possible；　as　a　historian；and　not　as　a　partisan；who　recognizes　that　the　rise　of　a　Plutocracy　was　the　inevitable　result　of　the　amassing；　during　a　generation；　of　unprecedented　wealth；　and　that；　in　a　Republic　governed　by　parties；　the　all…dominant　Plutocracy　would　naturally　see　to　it　that　the　all　dominant　party　which　governed　the　country　and　made　its　laws　should　be　plutocratic。　If　the　spheres　in　which　Plutocracy　made　most　of　its　money　had　been　Democratic；　then　the　Democratic　Party　would　have　served　the　Plutocracy。　As　it　was；　in　the　practical　relation　between　the　parties；　the　Democrats　got　their　share　of　the　spoils；　and　the　methods　of　a　Democratic　Boss；　like　Senator　Gorman；　did　not　differ　from　those　of　a　Republican　Boss；　like　Senator　Aldrich。　Roosevelt　relied　implicitly　on　justice　and　common　sense。　He　held；　as　firmly　as　Lincoln　had　held；　to　the　inherent　rightmindedness　of　the　〃plain　people。〃　And　however　fierce　and　formidable　the　opposition　to　his　policies　might　be　in　Congress；　he　trusted　that；　if　he　could　make　clear　to　the　average　voters　of　the　country　what　he　was　aiming　at；　they　would　support　him。　And　they　did　support　him。　Time　after　time；　when　the　Interests　appeared　to　be　on　the　point　of　crushing　his　reform；　the　people　rose　and　coerced　Congress　into　adopting　it。　I　would　not　imply　that　Roosevelt　assumed　an　autocratic　manner　in　this　warfare。　He　left　no　doubt　of　his　intention；　still　less　could　he　disguise　the　fact　of　his　tremendous　personal　vigor；　but　rather　than　threaten　he　tried　to　persuade；　he　was　good…natured　to　everybody；　he　explained　the　reasonableness　of　his　measures；　and　only　when　the　satraps　of　Plutocracy　so　far　lost　their　discretion　as　to　threaten　him；　did　he　bluntly　challenge　them　to　do　their　worst。

The　Interests　had　undeniably　reached　such　proportions　that　unless　they　were　chastened　and　controlled；　the　freedom　of　the　Republic　could　not　survive。　And　yet；　in　justice；　we　must　recall　that　when　they　grew　up　in　the　day　of　small　things；　they　were　beneficial；　their　founders　had　no　idea　of　their　becoming　a　menace　to　the　Nation。　The　man　who　built　the　first　cotton…mill　in　his　section；　or　started　the　first　iron…furnace；　or　laid　the　first　stretch　of　railroad；　was　rightly　hailed　as　a　benefactor；　and　he　could　not　foresee　that　the　time　would　come　when　his　mill；　entering　into　a　business　combination　with　a　hundred　other　mills　in　different　parts　of　the　country；　would　be　merged。　in　a　monopoly　to　strangle　competition　in　cotton　manufacture。　Likewise；　the　first　stretch　of　railroad　joined　another；　and　this　a　third；　and　so　on；　until　there　had　arisen　a　vast　railway　system　under　a　single　management　from　New　York　to　San　Francisco。　Now；　while　these　colossal　monopolies　had　grown　up　so　naturally；　responding　to　the　wonderful　expansion　of　the　population　they　served；　the　laws　and　regulations　which　applied　to　them；　having　been　framed　in　the　days　when　they　were　young　and　small　and　harmless；　still　obtained。　The　clothes　made　for　the　little　boy　would　not　do　for　the　giant　man。　I　have　heard　a　lawyer　complain　that　statutes；　which　barely　sufficed　when　travel　and　transportation　went　by　stage…coach；　were　stretched　to　fit　the　needs　of　the　public　in　its　relation　with　transcontinental　railroads。　This　is　an　exaggeration；　no　doubt；　but　it　points　towards　truth。　The　Big　Interests　were　so　swollen　that　they　went　ahead　on　their　own　affairs　and　paid　little　attention　to　the　community　on　which　they　were　battening。　They　saw　to　it　that　if　any　laws　concerning　them　had　to　be　made　by　the　State　Legislatures　or　by　Congress；　their　agents　in　those　bodies　should　make　them。　A　certain　Mr。　Vanderbilt；　the　president　of　one　of　the　largest　railroad　systems　in　America；　a　person　whose　other　gems　of　wit　and　wisdom　have　not　been　recorded；　achieved　such　immortality；　as　it　is；　by　remarking；　〃The　public　be　damned。〃　Probably　the　president　and　directors　of　a　score　of　other　monopolies　would　have　heartily　echoed　that　impolitic　and　petulant　display　of　arrogance。　Impolitic　the　exclamation　was；　because　the　American　public　had　already　begun　to　feel　that　the　Big　Interests　were　putting　its　freedom　in　jeopardy；　and　it　was　beginning　to　call　for　laws　which　should　reduce　the　power　of　those　interests。

As　early　as　1887　the　Interstate　Commerce　Act　was　passed；　the　earliest　considerable　attempt　to　regulate　rates　and　traffic。　Then　followed　anti…trust　laws　which　aimed　at　the　suppression　of　〃pools；〃　in　which　many　large　producers　or　manufacturers　combined　to　sell　their　staples　at　a　uniform　price；　a　practice　which　inevitably　set　up　monopolies。　The　〃Trusts〃　were　to　these　what　the　elephant　is　to　a　colt。　When　the　United　States　Steel　Corporation　was　f