vill3-第3章

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cupation　of　the　land　as　a　shifting　ownership；　to　redistribute　the　land　among　the　members　of　the　community　from　time　to　time；　according　to　some　system　of　lot　or　rotation。　The　western　village　community　does　not　go　so　far；　as　a　rule；　in　regard　to　the　arable；　at　least　in　the　time　to　which　our　records　belong。　But　even　in　the　west；　and　particularly　in　England；　traces　of　shifting　ownership；　'shifting　severalty；'　may　be　found　as　scattered　survivals　of　a　condition　which；　if　not　general；　was　certainly　much　more　widely　spread　in　earlier　times。（22*）　The　arable　is　sometimes　treated　as　meadows　constantly　are：　every　householder's　lot　is　only　an　'ideal'　one；　and　may　be　assigned　one　year　in　one　place；　and　next　year　in　another。　The　stubborn　existence　of　intermixed　ownership；　even　as　described　by　feudal　and　later　records；　is　in　itself　a　strong　testimony　to　the　communal　character　of　early　property。　The　strips　of　the　several　holders　were　not　divided　by　hedges　or　inclosures；　and　a　good　part　of　the　time；　after　harvest　and　before　seed；　individual　rights　retreated　before　common　use；　every　individualising　treatment　of　the　soil　was　excluded　by　the　compulsory　rotation　of　crops　and　the　fact　that　every　share　consisted　of　a　number　of　narrow　strips　wedged　in　among　other　people's　shares。　The　husbandry　could　not　be　very　energetic　and　lucrative　under　such　pressure；　and　a　powerful　consideration　which　kept　the　system　working；　against　convenience　and　interest；　was　its　equalising　and　as　it　were　communal　tendency。　I　lay　stress　on　the　fact：　if　the　open…field　system　with　its　intermixture　had　been　merely　a　reflection　of　the　original　allotment；　it　would　have　certainly　lost　its　regularity　very　soon。　People　could　not　be　blind　to　its　drawbacks　from　the　point　of　view　of　individual　farming；　and　if　the　single　strips　had　become　private　property　as　soon　as　they　ceased　to　be　shifting；　exchanges；　if　not　sales；　would　have　greatly　destroyed　the　inconvenient　network。　The　lord　had　no　interest　to　prevent　such　exchanges；　which　could　manifestly　lead　to　an　improvement　of　husbandry；。　and　in　regard　to　his　own　strips；　he　must　have　perceived　soon　enough　that　it　would　be　better　to　have　them　in　one　compact　mass　than　scattered　about　in　all　the　fields。　And　still　the　open…field　intermixture　holds　its　ground　all　through　the　middle　ages；　and　we　find　its　survivals　far　into　modern　times。　This　can　only　mean；　that　even　when　the　shifting；　'ideal；'　share　in　the　land　of　the　community　had　given　way　to　the　permanent　ownership　by　each　member　of　certain　particular　scattered　strips；　this　permanent　ownership　did　by　no　means　amount　to　private　property　in　the　Roman　or　in　the　modern　sense。　The　communal　principle　with　its　equalising　tendency　remained　still　as　the　efficient　force　regulating　the　whole；　and　strong　enough　to　subject　even　the　lord　and　the　freeholders　to　its　customary　influence。　By　saying　this　I　do　not　mean　to　maintain；　of　course；　that　private　property　was　not　existent；　that　it　was　not　breaking　through　the　communal　system；　and　acting　as　a　dissolvent　of　it。　I　shall　have　to　show　by…and…by　in　what　ways　this　process　was　effected。　But　the　fact　remains；　that　the　system　which　prevailed　upon　the　whole　during　the　middle　ages　appears　directly　connected　in　its　most　important　features　with　ideas　of　communal　ownership　and　equalised　individual　rights。　　　　　These　ideas　are　carried　out　in　a　very　rough　way　in　the　mediaeval　arrangement　of　the　holding；　which　is　more　complicated　in　England　than　on　the　continent。　According　to　a　very　common　mode　of　reckoning；　the　hide　contains　four　virgates；　every　virgate　two　bovates；　and　every　bovate　fifteen　acres。　The　bovate　（oxgang）　shows　by　its　very　name　that　not　only　the　land　is　taken　into　account；　but　the　oxen　employed　in　its　tillage；　and　the　records　explain　the　hide　or　carucate　（23*）　to　be　the　land　of　the　eight…oxen　plough；　that　is　so　much　land　as　may　be　cultivated　by　a　plough　drawn　by　eight　oxen。　The　virgate；　or　yard…land；　being　the　fourth　part　of　a　hide；　corresponds　to　one…fourth　part　of　the　plough；　that　is；　to　two　oxen；　contributed　by　the　holder　to　the　full　plough…team；　the　bovate　or　oxgang　appears　as　the　land　of　one　ox；　and　the　eighth　part　of　the　hide。（24*）　Such　proportions　are；　as　I　said；　very　commonly　found　in　the　records；　but　they　are　by　no　means　prevalent　everywhere。　On　the　possessions　of　Glastonbury　Abbey；　for　instance；　we　find　virgates　of　forty　acres；　and　a　hide　of　160；　and　the　same　reckoning　appears　in　manors　of　Wetherall　Priory；　Westmoreland；（25*）　of　the　Abbey　of　Eynsham；　Oxfordshire；（26*）　and　many　other　places。　　　　　The　so…called　Domesday　of　St。　Paul's　reports；（27*）　that　in　Runwell　eighty　acres　used　to　be　reckoned　to　the　hide；　but　in　course　of　time　new　land　was　acquired　（for　tillage）　and　measured；　and　so　the　hide　was　raised　to　120　acres。　Altogether　the　supposition　of　an　uniform　acre…measurement　of　bovates；　virgates；　hides；　and　knights'　fees　all　over　England　would　be　entirely　misleading。　The　oxen　were　an　important　element　in　the　arrangement；　but；　of　course；　not　the　only　one。　The　formation　of　the　holding　had　to　conform　also　to　the　quality　of　the　soil；　the　density　of　the　population；　etc。　We　find　in　any　case　the　most　varying　figures。　The　knight's　fee　contained　mostly　four　or　five　full　ploughs　or　carucates；　and　still　in　Lincolnshire　sixteen　carucates　went　to　the　knight's　fee。（28*）　The　carucate　was　not　identical　with　the　hide；　but　carucate　and　hide　alike　had　originally　meant　a　unit　corresponding　to　a　plough…team。　Four　virgates　were　mostly　reckoned　to　the　hide；　but　sometimes　six；　eight；　seven　are　taken。（29*）　The　yardlands　（virgates）　or　full　lands；　as　they　are　sometimes　called；　because　they　were　considered　as　the　typical　peasant　holdings；　consist　of　fifteen；　sixteen；　eighteen；　twenty…four；　forty；　forty…eight；　fifty；　sixty…two；　eighty　acres；　although　thirty　is　perhaps　the　figure　which　appears　more　often　than　any　other。（30*）　Bovates　of　ten；　twelve；　and　sixteen　acres　are　to　be　found　in　the　same　locality。（31*）　We　cannot　even　seize　hold　of　the　acre　as　the　one　constant　unit　among　these　many　variables；　the　size　of　the　acre　itself　varied　from　place　to　place。　In　this　way　any　attempt　to　establish　a　normal　reckoning　of　the　holdings　will　not　only　seem　hazardous；　but　will　actually　stand　in　contradiction　with　patent　facts。　　　　　Another　circumstance　seems　of　yet　greater　import：　even　within　the　boundaries　of　one　and　the　same　community　the　equality　was　an　agrarian　one　and　did　not　amount　to　a　strict　correspondence　in　figures。　It　was　obviously　impossible　to　cut　up　the　land　among　the　holdings　in　such　a　way　as　to　make　every　one　contain　quite　the　same　number　of　acres　as　the　rest。　In　the　Cartulary　of　Ramsey　it　is　stated；　that　in　one　of　the　manors　the　virgate　contains　sometimes　forty…eight　acres　and　sometimes　less。（32*）　The　Huntingdon　Hundred　Rolls　mentions　a　locality　where　some　of　the　half…virgates　have　got　houses　on　their　plots　and　some　have　not。（33*）　In　the　Dorsetshire　manor　of　Newton；　belonging　to　Glastonbury；　we　find　a　reduction　of　the　duties　of　one　of　the　virgates　because　it　is　a　small　one。（34*）　A　curious　instance　is　supplied　by　the　same　Glastonbury　survey　as　to　the　Wiltshire　manor　of　Christian　Malford：　one　of　the　virgates　was　formed　out　of　two　former　virgates；　which　were　found　insufficient　to　support　two　separate　households。（35*）　　　　　This　last　case　makes　it　especially　clear　that　the　object　was　to　make　the　shares　on　the　same　pattern　in　point　of　quality；　and　not　of　mere　quantity。　It　is　only　to　be　regretted　that　manorial　surveys；　hundred　rolls；　and　other　documents　of　the　same　kind　take　too　little　heed　of　such　variations；　and　consider　the　whole　arrangement　merely　in　regard　to　the　interests　of　the　landlord。　For　this　purpose　a　rough　quantitative　statement　was　sufficient。　They　give　very　sparing　indications　as　to　the　facts　underlying　the　system　of　holdings；　their　aim　is　to　reduce　all　relations　to　artificial　uniformity　in　order　to　make　them　a　fitter　basis　for　the　distribution　of　rents　and　labour　services。　But　very　little　attention　is　required　to　notice　a　very　great　difference　between　such　figures　and　reality。　In　most　of　the　cases；　when　the　virgate　is　described　in　its　component　parts；　we　come　across　irregularities。　Again；　each　component　part　is　more　or　less　irregular；　because　instead　of　the　acres　and　half…acres　the　real　ground　presents　strips　of　a　very　capricious　shape。　And　so　we　must　come　to　the　conclusion；　that　the　hide；　the　virgate；　the　bovate；　in　short　every　holding　mentioned　in　the　surveys；　appears　primarily　as　an　artificial；　administrative；　and　fiscal　unit　which　corresponds　only　in　a　very　rough　way　to　the　agrarian　reality。　　　　　This　conclusion　coincides　with　the　most　important　fact；　that　the　reckoning　of　acres　in　regard　to　the　plough…team　is　entirely　different　in　the　treatises　on　husbandry　from　what　it　is　in　the　manorial　records　drawn　up　for　the　purpose　of　an　assessment　of　duties　and　payments。　Walter　of　Henley　and　Fleta　reckon　180　acres　to　the　plough　in　a　three…field　system；　and　160　in　a　two…field　system。　Now　these　figures　are　quite　exceptional　in　surveys；　whereas　120　acres　is　most　usual　without　any　distinction　as　to　the　course　of　rotation　of　crops。　The　relation　between　the　three…field　ploughland　of　180　acres　and　the　hide　of　120　suggests　the　inference　that　the　official　assessment　started　from　the　prevalence　of　the　three…field　rotation；　and　disregarded　the　fallow。　But　the　inference　is　hardly　sufficient　to　explain　the　facts　of　the　case。　The　way　towards　a　solution　of　the　problem　is　indicated　by　the　terminology　of　the　Ely　surveys　in　the　British　Museum。　These　documents　very　often　mention　virgates　and　full　yardlands　of　twelve　acres　de　ware；　on　the　other　hand；　the　Court　Rolls　from　Edward　I's　time　till　Elizabeth's；　and　a　survey　of　the　reign　of　Edward　III；　show　the　virgate　to　consist　of　twenty…four　acres。（36*）　The　virgate　de　ware　corresponds　usually　to　one…half　of　the　real　virgate；　I　say　usually；　because　in　one　case　it　is　reckoned　to　contain　eighteen　acres　in　the　place　of　twenty…four　mentioned　in　the　rolls　and　the　later　survey。（37*）　Such　'acre　ware'　are　to　be　found；　though　rarely；　in　other　manors　besides　those　of　Ely　minster。（38*）　The　contradiction　between　the　documents　may　be　taken　at　first　glance　to　originate　in　a　difference　between　the　number　of　acres　under　actual　tillage　and　the　number　of　acres　comprised　in　the　holding：　perhaps　the　first　reckoning　leaves　out　the　fallow。　This　explanation　has　been　tried　by　Mr　O。　Pell；　the　present　owner　of　one　of　the　Ely　manors　he　started　it　in　connexion　with　an　etymology　which　brought　together　'ware'　and　'warectum'：　on　this　assumption　twelve　acres　appeared　instead　of　twenty…four；　because　the　fallow　of　the　two…field　system　was　left　out　of　the　reckoning。　But　this　reading　of　the　evidence　does　not　seem　satisfactory。　It　is　one…sided　at　the　least。　Why　should　the　holding　from　which　the　'warectum'　has　been　left　out　get　its　name　from　the　'warectum'？　How　is　one　to　explain　either　from　the　two…field　or　from　the　three…field　system　the　case　when　eighteen　'acre　ware'　correspond　to　twenty…four　common　acres；　or　the　even　more　perplexing　case　when　eighteen　acres　of　'ware'　go　to　the　full　land　and　twelve　to　half…a…full　land？（39*）　In　fact；　this　last　instance　does　not　admit　of　any　explanation　from　natural　conditions；　because　in　the　natural　course　of　things　twelve　will　never　come　to　be　one…half　of　eighteen。　Thus　we　are　dr