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第16章

vill3-第16章

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in payments; and it may be conjectured that the reason is to be found in the fact that they have to superintend work performed by their labourers or inferior tenants。(104*) All such points are of small importance; however; when compared with the general opposition of which I have been speaking several times。 The free and the servile holdings are chiefly distinguished by the fact that the first pay rent and the last perform labour。     Whenever we come to examine closely the reason underlying the cases when the classification into servile and free is adopted; we find that it generally resolves itself into a contrast between those who have to serve; in the original sense of the term; and those who are exempted from actual labour…service。 Being dependent nevertheless; these last have to pay rent。 I need not repeat that I am speaking of main distinctions and not of the various details bound up with them。 In order to understand thoroughly the nature of such diversities; let us take up a very elaborate description of duties to be performed by the peasants in the manor of Wye; Kent; belonging to the Abbey of Battle。(105*) Of the sixty…one yokes it contains thirty are servile; twenty…nine are free; and two occupy an inter mediate position。 The duties of the two chief classes of tenants differ in many respects。 The servile people have to pay rent and so have the free; but while the first contribute to make up a general payment of six pounds; each yoke being assessed at seven shillings and five…pence; the free people have to pay as much as twenty…three shillings and seven…pence per yoke。 Both sets have to perform ploughings; reapings; and carriage duties; but the burden of the servile portion is so much greater in regard to the carriage…work; that the corresponding yokes sometimes get their very name from it; they are juga averagiantia; while the free households are merely bound to help a few times during the summer。 Every servile holding has a certain number of acres of wood assigned to it; or else corresponding rights in the common wood; while the free tenants have to settle separately with the lord of the manor。 And lastly; the relief for every unfree yoke is fixed at forty pence; and for every free one is equal to the annual rent。 This comparison of duties shows that the peasants called free were by no means subjected to very light burdens: in fact it looks almost as if they were more heavily taxed than the rest。 Still they were exempted from the most unpopular and inconvenient labour services。     Altogether; the study of rural work and rents leads to the same conclusion as the analysis of the legal characteristics of villainage。 The period from the Conquest onwards may be divided into two stages。 In later times; that is from the close of the thirteenth century downwards; the division between the two great classes of tenants and tenements; a contrast strictly legal; is regulated by the material test of the certainty or uncertainty of the service due; and the formal test of the mode of conveyance。 In earlier times the classification depends primarily on the economic relation between the manorial centre and the tributary household; labour is deemed servile; rent held to be free。 It is only by keeping these two periods clearly distinct; that one is enabled to combine the seemingly conflicting facts in our surveys。 If we look at the most ancient of these documents; we shall have to admit that a rent…paying holding is free; nevertheless it would be wrong to infer that when commutation became more or less general; classification was settled in the same way。 A servile tenement no longer became free because rent was taken instead of labour; it was still held 'at the will of the lord;' and conveyed by surrender and admittance。 When all holdings were fast exchanging labour for rent; the old notions had been surrendered and a new basis for classification found in those legal incidents just mentioned。 The development of copyhold belongs to the later period; copyhold being mostly a rent…paying servile tenure。 Again; if we turn to the earlier epoch we shall have to remember that the contrast between labour and rent is not to be taken merely as a result of commutation。 Local distinctions are fitted on to it in a way which cannot be explained by the mere assumption that every settlement of a rent appeared in the place of an original labour obligation。 The contrast is primordial; as one may say; and based on the fact that the labour of a subject appears directly subservient to the wants and arrangements of the superior household; while the payment of rent severs。 the connexion for a time and leaves each body to move。 In its own direction till the day when the tributary has to pay again。     There can be no doubt also that the more ancient surveys disclose a difference in point of quantity between free and servile holdings; and this again is a strong argument for the belief that free socage must not be considered merely as an emancipated servile tenancy。 Where there has been commutation we must suppose that the labour services cannot have been more valuable than the money rent into which they were changed。 The free rent into which labour becomes converted is nothing but the price paid for the services surrendered by the lord。 It must have stood higher; if anything; than the real value of the labour exchanged; because the exchange entailed a diminution of power besides the giving up of an economic commodity。 No matter that ultimately the quit…rents turned out to the disadvantage of the lord; inasmuch as the buying strength of money grew less and less。 This was the result of a very long process; and could not be foreseen at the time when the commutation equivalents were settled。 And so we may safely lay down the general rule; that when there is a conspicuous difference between the burdens of assessment of free and unfree tenants; such a difference excludes the idea that one class is only an emancipated portion of the other; and supposes that it was from the first a socially privileged one。 The Peterborough Black Book; which; along with the Burton Cartulary; presents the most curious instance of an early survey; describes the services of socmen on the manors of the abbey as those of a clearly。 privileged tenantry。(106*) The interesting point is; that these socmen are even subjected to week…work and not distinguishable from villains so far as concerns the quality of their services。 Nevertheless the contrast with the villains appears throughout the Cartulary and is substantiated by a marked difference in point of assessment: a socman has to work one or two days in the week when the villain is made to work three or four。     Three main points seem established by the survey of rural work and rents。     1。 Notwithstanding many vexatious details; the impositions to which the peasantry had to submit left a considerable margin for their material progress。 This system of customary rules was effectively provided against general oppression。     2。 The development from food…farms to labour organisation; and lastly to money…rents; was a result not of one…sided pressure on the part of the landlords; but of a series of agreements between lord and tenants。     3。 The settlement of the burdens to which peasants were subjected depended to a great extent on distinctions as to the social standing of tenants which had nothing to do with economic facts。

NOTES:

1。 Domesday of St。 Paul's; 93: 'Potest wainnagium fieri cum 12 bobus et quatuor stottis cum consuetudinibus ville。' 75: 'Item (juratores) dicunt quod potest fieri wainnagium totius dominici cum 2 carucis bonis habentibus 20 capita in jugo et 2 herciatoribus cum consuetudinibus operariorum。'

2。 Add。 MSS。 61 59; f 44; a: '(Leyesdon)。。。 debet quelibet caruca coniuncta arrare unam acram et habebunt 3 denarios pro acra et quadrantem。'

3。 Glastonbury Inqu。 of 1189 (Roxburghe Ser。); 64: '(Virgatarius) a festo Sti Michaelis qualibet ebdomada arat unam acram donec tota terra domini sit culta。'

4。 Ely Inqu。; Cotton MSS。 Claudius; c。 xi。 f 185: 'Unusquisque arabit per tres dies; si habeat sex boves; per duos; si habeat quatuor boves; per unum; si habeat duos boves; per dimidium; si habeat unum bovem。'

5。 Add。 MSS。 6159; f。 53; a: 'Item debent predicte 22 virgate terre arrare ad frumentum; ad auenam et ad warectum 113 acras et valent 56 solidos 6 denarios。'

6。 Gloucester Cart。 iii。 92: 'Et quicquid araverit debet herciare tempore seminis。 Et faciet unam hersuram que vocatur landegginge et valet 1 den。' iii。 194: 'Et debet herciare quotidle si necesse fuerit quousque semen domini seminetur; et allocabitur ei pro operacione manuali; et valet ultra obolum。 Et quia non est numerus certus de diebus herciandis; aestimant juratores 40 dies。'

7。 Ramsey Cart。 I。 345: 'Qualibet autem septimana; a festo Sti Michaelis usque ad tempus sarclationis tribus diebus operatur; quodcunque opus sibi fuerit injunctum; et quarto die arabit unum sellionem; sive jungatur cum alio; sive non。'

8。 Glastonbury Inqu。 of 1189; p。 64: 'A die circumcisionis similiter; excepta ebdomada Pasche; si possit per gelu; et si gelu durat per 12 dies; quietus debet esse。 Si amplius durat; restituet araturam。'

9。 Add。 MSS。 6159; f。 49; b: 'Idem tenentes de predictis 22 et dimidia (terris) debent arrare ad seysonam frumenti 45 acras de gable et de qualibet terra 2 acras。' 35; b: 'Gauilherth: Willelmus de Bergate debet arrare dimidiam acram; Nicholaus de Jonebrigge et socii ejus unam virgam; heredes Johannis 8 pedes; Ricardus Cutte 8 pedes。。。 Summa acrarum 25 acre 1 pes。 Hec debent arrare et seminare。'

10。 Rot。 Hundred。 ii。 768; b: 'Item si habeat carucam integram vel cum sociis conjunctam; illa caruca arabit domino 2 acras terre ad yvernagium et herciabit quantum illa caruca araverit in die; et istud servicium appellatur Greserthe; pro quo servicio ipse W。 et omnes alii consuetudinarii habebunt pasturas dominicas ad diem (sic。 corr。 a die) ad Vincula Sti Petri usque ad festum beate Marie in Marcio et prata dominica postquam fenum fuerit cariatum。'

11。 Glastonbury Cart。; Wood MSS。 I; f 44; b: 'Tenens dimidiam hidam habet 4 animalia in pascius quieta; et si plus habuerit…arabit et herciabit pro unoquoque dimidiam acram。'

12。 Add。 MSS。 6159; f 26; b: 'De qualibet caruca arant unam acram de averherde。; et si per negligenciam alicujus remanserit acra non arata; tunc mittet dominus semen quod sufficiat ad unam acram ad domum illius et oportebit illum reddere bladum ad mensuram propinque acre et habebit tum herbagium de acra assignata。' Cart。 of Beaulieu; Cotton MSS。 Nero; A。 xii; f 102; b: 'Et si habeat bovem vel vaccam iunctam; arabit pro quolibet virgo dimidiam acram ad festum Sti Martini sine cibo。' Glastonbury Inqu。 of 1189; f。 116: 'De qualibet carruca debent arare ad seminandum 7 acras; et ad warectum 7 acras; ut boves possint ire cum bobus domini in pastura。'

13。 Exch。 Q。 R。 Min。 Acc。 Bk。 514; T。 G。 41; 173: '(Extenta manerii de Burgo) medwelond。。。 debent arare tantam terram quantum habent de prato。'

14。 Exch。 Q。 R。 Min。 Acc。 Bk。 513; 97: 'Beinerth: 12 custumarii arabunt 6 acras terre ad semen yemale。 Grasherthe: 12 arabunt cum quanto iungunt per unum diem ad semen yemale。' Ely Inqu。; Cotton MSS。 Claudius; C。 xi。 f。 30; a: 'Arabit de beneerthe si h

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