russia in 1919(1919的俄国)-第8章
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Eliava of the Vologda Soviet； who came up in great surprise at seeing me
again； and reminded me how Radek and I； hungry from Moscow；
astonished the hotel of the Golden Anchor by eating fifteen eggs apiece；
when we came to Vologda last summer （I acted as translator during
Radek's conversations with the American Ambassador and Mr。 Lindley）。
Eliava is a fine； honest fellow； and had a very difficult time in Vologda
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where the large colony of foreign embassies and missions naturally
became the centre of disaffection in a district which at the time was full of
inflammable material。 I remember when we parted from him； Radek said
to me that he hardly thought he would see him alive again。 He told me
he had left Vologda some three months ago and was now going to
Turkestan。 He did not disguise the resentment he felt towards M。
Noulens （the French Ambassador） who； he thought； had stood in the way
of agreement last year； but said that he had nothing whatever to say
against Lindley。
At last there was a little stir in the raised presidium； and the meeting
began。 When I saw the lean； long…haired Avanesov take his place as
secretary； and Sverdlov； the president； lean forward a little； ring his bell；
and announce that the meeting was open and that 〃Comrade Chicherin has
the word；〃 I could hardly believe that I had been away six months。
Chicherin's speech took the form of a general report on the
international situation。 He spoke a little more clearly than he was used to
do； but even so I had to walk round to a place close under the tribune
before I could hear him。 He sketched the history of the various steps the
Soviet Government has taken in trying to secure peace； even including
such minor 〃peace offensives〃 as Litvinov's personal telegram to President
Wilson。 He then weighed； in no very hopeful spirit； the possibilities of
this last Note to all the Allies having any serious result。 He estimated the
opposing tendencies for and against war with Russia in each of the
principal countries concerned。 The growth of revolutionary feeling
abroad made imperialistic governments even more aggressive towards the
Workers' and Peasants' Republic than they would otherwise be。 It was
now making their intervention difficult； but no more。 It was impossible
to say that the collapse of Imperialism had gone so far that it had lost its
teeth。 Chicherin speaks as if he were a dead man or a ventriloquist's lay
figure。 And indeed he is half…dead。 He has never learnt the art of
releasing himself from drudgery by handing it over to his subordinates。
He is permanently tired out。 You feel it is almost cruel to say 〃Good
morning〃 to him when you meet him； because of the appeal to be left
alone that comes unconsciously into his eyes。 Partly in order to avoid
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people； partly because he is himself accustomed to work at night； his
section of the foreign office keeps extraordinary hours； is not to be found
till about five in the afternoon and works till four in the morning。 The
actual material of his report was interesting； but there was nothing in its
manner to rouse enthusiasm of any kind。 The audience listened with
attention； but only woke into real animation when with a shout of laughter
it heard an address sent to Cl=82menceau by the emigr=82 financiers；
aristocrats and bankrupt politicians of the Russian colony in Stockholm；
protesting against any sort of agreement with the Bolsheviks。
Bucharin followed Chicherin。 A little eager figure in his neat brown
clothes （bought； I think； while visiting Berlin as a member of the
Economic Commission）； he at least makes himself clearly heard； though
his voice has a funny tendency to breaking。 He compared the present
situation with the situation before Brest。 He had himself （as I well
remember） been with Radek； one of the most violent opponents of the
Brest peace； and he now admitted that at that time Lenin had been right
and he wrong。 The position was now different； because whereas then
imperialism was split into two camps fighting each other； it now showed
signs of uniting its forces。 He regarded the League of Nations as a sort of
capitalist syndicate； and said that the difference in the French and
American attitude towards the League depended upon the position of
French and American capital。 Capital in France was so weak； that she
could at best be only a small shareholder。 Capital in America was in a
very advantageous position。 America therefore wanted a huge All…
European syndicate in which each state would have a certain number of
shares。 America； having the greatest number of shares； would be able to
exploit all the other nations。 This is a fixed idea of Bucharin's； and he
has lost no opportunity of putting out this theory of the League of Nations
since the middle of last summer。 As for Chicherin's Note； he said it had
at least great historical interest on account of the language it used； which
was very different from the hypocritical language of ordinary diplomacy。
Here were no phrases about noble motives； but a plain recognition of the
facts of the case。 〃Tell us what you want；〃 it says； 〃and we are ready to
buy you off； in order to avoid armed conflict。〃 Even if the Allies gave no
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answer the Note would still have served a useful purpose and would be a
landmark in history。
Litvinov followed Bucharin。 A solid； jolly； round man； with his
peaked grey fur hat on his head； rounder than ever in fur…collared； thick
coat； his eye…glasses slipping from his nose as he got up； his grey muffler
hanging from his neck； he hurried to the tribune。 Taking off his things
and leaving them on a chair below； he stepped up into the tribune with his
hair all rumpled； a look of extreme seriousness on his face； and spoke with
a voice whose capacity and strength astonished me who had not heard him
speak in public before。 He spoke very well； with more sequence than
Bucharin； and much vitality； and gave his summary of the position abroad。
He said （and Lenin expressed the same view to me afterwards） that the
hostility of different countries to Soviet Russia varied in direct proportion
to their fear of revolution at home。 Thus France； whose capital had
suffered most in the war and was weakest； was the most uncompromising；
while America； whose capital was in a good position； was ready for
agreement。 England； with rather less confidence； he thought was ready
to follow America。 Need of raw material was the motive tending towards
agreement with Russia。 Fear that the mere existence of a Labour
Government anywhere in the world strengthens the revolutionary
movement elsewhere； was the motive for the desire to wipe out the Soviet
at all cost。 Chicherin's note； he thought； would emphasize the difference
between these opposing views and would tend to make impossible an
alliance of the capitalists against Russia。
Finally； Kamenev； now President of the Moscow Soviet； spoke；
objecting to Bucharin's comparison of the peace now sought with that of
Brest Litovsk。 Then everything was in a state of experiment and untried。
Now it was clear to the world that the unity of Russia could be achieved
only under the Soviets。 The powers opposed to them could not but
recognize this fact。 Some parts of Russia （Ukraine） had during the last
fifteen months experienced every kind of government； from the Soviets；
the dictatorship of the proletariat； to the dictatorship of foreign invaders
and the dictatorship of a General of the old regime； and they had after all
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returned to the Soviets。 Western European imperialists must realize that
the only Government in Russia which rested on the popular masses was
the Government of the Soviets and no other。 Even the paper of the
Mensheviks； commenting on Chicherin's note； had declared that by this
step the Soviet Government had shown that it was actually a national
Government acting in the interests of the nation。 He further read a
statement by Right Social Revolutionaries （delegates of that group；
members of the Constituent Assembly； were in the gallery） to the effect
that they were prepared to help the Soviet Government as the only
Government in Russia that was fighting against a dictatorship of the
bourgeoisie。
Finally； the Committee unanimously passed a resolution approving
every step taken in trying to obtain peace； and at the same time 〃sending a
fraternal greeting to the Red Army of workers and peasants engaged in
ensuring the independence of Soviet Russia。〃 The meeting then turned to
talk of other things。
I left； rather miserable to think how little I had foreseen when Soviet
Russia was compelled last year to sign an oppressive peace with Germany；
that the time would come when they would be trying to buy peace from
ourselves。 As I went out I saw another unhappy figure； unhappy for quite
different reasons。 Angelica Balabanova； after dreaming all her life of
socialism in the most fervent Utopian spirit； had come at last to Russia to
find that a socialist state wa
