on liberty-第26章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！




regard　to　all　disputed　truths　than　they　are　at　present；　they　would



be　brought　up　either　churchmen　or　dissenters　as　they　now　are；　the



State　merely　taking　care　that　they　should　be　instructed　churchmen；



or　instructed　dissenters。　There　would　be　nothing　to　hinder　them　from



being　taught　religion；　if　their　parents　chose；　at　the　same　schools



where　they　were　taught　other　things。　All　attempts　by　the　State　to　bias



the　conclusions　of　its　citizens　on　disputed　subjects　are　evil；　but



it　may　very　properly　offer　to　ascertain　and　certify　that　a　person



possesses　the　knowledge　requisite　to　make　his　conclusions；　on　any



given　subject；　worth　attending　to。　A　student　of　philosophy　would　be



the　better　for　being　able　to　stand　an　examination　both　in　Locke　and　in



Kant；　whichever　of　the　two　he　takes　up　with；　or　even　if　with



neither：　and　there　is　no　reasonable　objection　to　examining　an



atheist　in　the　evidences　of　Christianity；　provided　he　is　not



required　to　profess　a　belief　in　them。　The　examinations；　however；　in



the　higher　branches　of　knowledge　should；　I　conceive；　be　entirely



voluntary。　It　would　be　giving　too　dangerous　a　power　to　governments



were　they　allowed　to　exclude　any　one　from　professions；　even　from　the



profession　of　teacher；　for　alleged　deficiency　of　qualifications：　and　I



think；　with　Wilhelm　von　Humboldt；　that　degrees；　or　other　public



certificates　of　scientific　or　professional　acquirements；　should　be



given　to　all　who　present　themselves　for　examination；　and　stand　the



test；　but　that　such　certificates　should　confer　no　advantage　over



competitors　other　than　the　weight　which　may　be　attached　to　their



testimony　by　public　opinion。



　　It　is　not　in　the　matter　of　education　only　that　misplaced　notions



of　liberty　prevent　moral　obligations　on　the　part　of　parents　from　being



recognised；　and　legal　obligations　from　being　imposed；　where　there



are　the　strongest　grounds　for　the　former　always；　and　in　many　cases　for



the　latter　also。　The　fact　itself；　of　causing　the　existence　of　a



human　being；　is　one　of　the　most　responsible　actions　in　the　range　of



human　life。　To　undertake　this　responsibility…　to　bestow　a　life　which



may　be　either　a　curse　or　a　blessing…　unless　the　being　on　whom　it　is



to　be　bestowed　will　have　at　least　the　ordinary　chances　of　a



desirable　existence；　is　a　crime　against　that　being。　And　in　a　country



either　over…peopled；　or　threatened　with　being　so；　to　produce　children；



beyond　a　very　small　number；　with　the　effect　of　reducing　the　reward



of　labour　by　their　competition；　is　a　serious　offence　against　all　who



live　by　the　remuneration　of　their　labour。　The　laws　which；　in　many



countries　on　the　Continent；　forbid　marriage　unless　the　parties　can



show　that　they　have　the　means　of　supporting　a　family；　do　not　exceed



the　legitimate　powers　of　the　State：　and　whether　such　laws　be　expedient



or　not　（a　question　mainly　dependent　on　local　circumstances　and



feelings）；　they　are　not　objectionable　as　violations　of　liberty。　Such



laws　are　interferences　of　the　State　to　prohibit　a　mischievous　act…　an



act　injurious　to　others；　which　ought　to　be　a　subject　of　reprobation；



and　social　stigma；　even　when　it　is　not　deemed　expedient　to　superadd



legal　punishment。　Yet　the　current　ideas　of　liberty；　which　bend　so



easily　to　real　infringements　of　the　freedom　of　the　individual　in



things　which　concern　only　himself；　would　repel　the　attempt　to　put



any　restraint　upon　his　inclinations　when　the　consequence　of　their



indulgence　is　a　life　or　lives　of　wretchedness　and　depravity　to　the



offspring；　with　manifold　evils　to　those　sufficiently　within　reach　to



be　in　any　way　affected　by　their　actions。　When　we　compare　the　strange



respect　of　mankind　for　liberty；　with　their　strange　want　of　respect　for



it；　we　might　imagine　that　a　man　had　an　indispensable　right　to　do



harm　to　others；　and　no　right　at　all　to　please　himself　without　giving



pain　to　any　one。



　　I　have　reserved　for　the　last　place　a　large　class　of　questions



respecting　the　limits　of　government　interference；　which；　though



closely　connected　with　the　subject　of　this　Essay；　do　not；　in



strictness；　belong　to　it。　These　are　cases　in　which　the　reasons　against



interference　do　not　turn　upon　the　principle　of　liberty：　the　question



is　not　about　restraining　the　actions　of　individuals；　but　about　helping



them；　it　is　asked　whether　the　government　should　do；　or　cause　to　be



done；　something　for　their　benefit；　instead　of　leaving　it　to　be　done　by



themselves；　individually　or　in　voluntary　combination。



　　The　objections　to　government　interference；　when　it　is　not　such　as　to



involve　infringement　of　liberty；　may　be　of　three　kinds。



　　The　first　is；　when　the　thing　to　be　done　is　likely　to　be　better



done　by　individuals　than　by　the　government。　Speaking　generally；



there　is　no　one　so　fit　to　conduct　any　business；　or　to　determine　how　or



by　whom　it　shall　be　conducted；　as　those　who　are　personally



interested　in　it。　This　principle　condemns　the　interferences；　once　so



common；　of　the　legislature；　or　the　officers　of　government；　with　the



ordinary　processes　of　industry。　But　this　part　of　the　subject　has



been　sufficiently　enlarged　upon　by　political　economists；　and　is　not



particularly　related　to　the　principles　of　this　Essay。



　　The　second　objection　is　more　nearly　allied　to　our　subject。　In　many



cases；　though　individuals　may　not　do　the　particular　thing　so　well；



on　the　average；　as　the　officers　of　government；　it　is　nevertheless



desirable　that　it　should　be　done　by　them；　rather　than　by　the



government；　as　a　means　to　their　own　mental　education…　a　mode　of



strengthening　their　active　faculties；　exercising　their　judgment；　and



giving　them　a　familiar　knowledge　of　the　subjects　with　which　they　are



thus　left　to　deal。　This　is　a　principal；　though　not　the　sole；



recommendation　of　jury　trial　（in　cases　not　political）；　of　free　and



popular　local　and　municipal　institutions；　of　the　conduct　of　industrial



and　philanthropic　enterprises　by　voluntary　associations。　These　are　not



questions　of　liberty；　and　are　connected　with　that　subject　only　by



remote　tendencies；　but　they　are　questions　of　development。　It　belongs



to　a　different　occasion　from　the　present　to　dwell　on　these　things　as



parts　of　national　education；　as　being；　in　truth；　the　peculiar　training



of　a　citizen；　the　practical　part　of　the　political　education　of　a



free　people；　taking　them　out　of　the　narrow　circle　of　personal　and



family　selfishness；　and　accustoming　them　to　the　comprehension　of　joint



interests；　the　management　of　joint　concerns…　habituating　them　to　act



from　public　or　semi…public　motives；　and　guide　their　conduct　by　aims



which　unite　instead　of　isolating　them　from　one　another。　Without



these　habits　and　powers；　a　free　constitution　can　neither　be　worked　nor



preserved；　as　is　exemplified　by　the　too…often　transitory　nature　of



political　freedom　in　countries　where　it　does　not　rest　upon　a



sufficient　basis　of　local　liberties。　The　management　of　purely　local



business　by　the　localities；　and　of　the　great　enterprises　of　industry



by　the　union　of　those　who　voluntarily　supply　the　pecuniary　means；　is



further　recommended　by　all　the　advantages　which　have　been　set　forth　in



this　Essay　as　belonging　to　individuality　of　development；　and　diversity



of　modes　of　action。　Government　operations　tend　to　be　everywhere　alike。



With　individuals　and　voluntary　associations；　on　the　contrary；　there



are　varied　experiments；　and　endless　diversity　of　experience。　What



the　State　can　usefully　do　is　to　make　itself　a　central　depository；



and　active　circulator　and　diffuser；　of　the　experience　resulting　from



many　trials。　Its　business　is　to　enable　each　experimentalist　to　benefit



by　the　experiments　of　others；　instead　of　tolerating　no　experiments　but



its　own。



　　The　third　and　most　cogent　reason　for　restricting　the　interference　of



government　is　the　great　evil　of　adding　unnecessarily　to　its　power。



Every　function　superadded　to　those　already　exercised　by　the　government



causes　its　influence　over　hopes　and　fears　to　be　more　widely



diffused；　and　converts；　more　and　more；　the　active　and　ambitious　part



of　the　public　into　hangers…on　of　the　government；　or　of　some　party



which　aims　at　becoming　the　government。　If　the　roads；　the　railways；　the



banks；　the　insurance　offices；　the　great　joint…stock　companies；　the



universities；　and　the　public　charities；　were　all　of　them　branches　of



the　government；　if；　in　addition；　the　municipal　corporations　and



local　boards；　with　all　that　now　devolves　on　them；　became　departments



of　the　central　administration；　if　the　employes　of　all　these



different　enterprises　were　appointed　and　paid　by　the　government；　and



looked　to　the　government　for　every　rise　in　life；　not　all　the　freedom



of　the　press　and　popular　constitution　of　the　legislature　would　make



this　or　any　other　country　free　otherwise　than　in　name。　And　the　evil



would　be　greater；　the　more　efficiently　and　scientifically　the



administrative　machinery　was　constructed…　the　more　skilful　the



arrangements　for　obtaining　the　best　qualified　hands　and　heads　with



which　to　work　it。　In　England　it　has　of　late　been　proposed　that　all　the



members　of　the　civil　service　of　government　should　be　selected　by



competitive　examination；　to　obtain　for　these　employments　the　most



intelligent　and　instructed　persons　procurable；　and　much　has　been



said　and　written　for　and　against　this　proposal。　One　of　the　arguments



most　insisted　on　by　its　opponents　is　that　the　occupation　of　a



permanent　official　servant　of　the　State　does　not　hold　out　sufficient



prospects　of　emolument　and　importance　to　attract　the　highest



talents；　which　will　always　be　able　to　find　a　more　inviting　career　in



the　professions；　or　in　the　service　of　companies　and　other　public



bodies。　One　would　not　have　been　surprised　if　this　argument　had　been



used　by　the　friends　of　the　proposition；　as　an　answer　to　its



principal　difficulty。　Coming　from　the　opponents　it　is　strange



enough。　What　is　urged　as　an　objection　is　the　safety…valve　of　the



proposed　system。　If　indeed　all　the　high　talent　of　the　country　could　be



drawn　into　the　service　of　the　government；　a　proposal　tending　to



bring　about　that　result　might　well　inspire　uneasiness。　If　every　part



of　the　business　of　society　which　required　organised　concert；　or



large　and　comprehensive　views；　were　in　the　hands　of　the　government；



and　if　government　offices　were　universally　filled　by　the　ablest　men；



all　the　enlarged　culture　and　practised　intelligence　in　the　country；



except　the　purely　speculative；　would　be　concentrated　in　a　numerous



bureaucracy；　to　whom　alone　the　rest　of　the　community　would　look　for



all　things：　the　multitude　for　direction　and　dictation　in　all　they



had　to　do；　the　able　and　aspiring　for　personal　advancement。　To　be



admitted　into　the　ranks　of　this　bureaucracy；　and　when　admitted；　to



rise　the