abraham lincoln and the union-第9章

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t　in　the　same　sense　as　Bell　and　Everett。

Perhaps　the　truest　Unionists　of　the　North；　outside　the　Constitutional　Union　Party；　in　1860；　were　those　Democrats　in　the　following　of　Douglas　who；　after　fighting　to　the　last　ditch　against　both　the　sectional　parties；　were　to　accept；　in　1861；　the　alternative　of　war　rather　than　dissolution。　　The　course　of　Douglas　himself；　as　we　shall　see　hereafter；　showed　that　in　his　mind　there　was　a　fixed　limit　of　concession　beyond　which　he　could　not　go。　When　circumstances　forced　him　to　that　limit；　the　sentiment　of　Union　took　control　of　him；　swept　aside　his　political　jugglery；　abolished　his　time…serving；　and　drove　him　into　cooperation　with　his　bitterest　foes　that　the　Union　might　be　saved。　　Nor　was　the　pure　sentiment　of　Union　confined　to　the　North　and　West。　　Though　undoubtedly　the　sentiment　of　locality　was　more　powerful　through　the　South；　yet　when　the　test　came　in　the　election　of　1860；　the　leading　candidate　of　the　upper　South；　in　Virginia；　Kentucky；　and　Tennessee；　was　John　Bell；　the　Constitutional　Unionist。　　In　every　Southern　State　this　sentiment　was　able　to　command　a　considerable　part　of　the　vote。*

*A　possible　exception　was　South　Carolina。　　As　the　presidential　electors　were　appointed　by　the　legislature；　there　is　no　certain　record　of　minority　sentiment。


Widely　different　in　temper　were　those　stern　and　resolute　men　whose　organization；　in　perfect　fighting　trim；　faced　eagerly　the　divided　Democrats。　　The　Republicans　had　no　division　among　themselves　upon　doctrine。　　Such　division　as　existed　was　due　to　the　ordinary　rivalry　of　political　leaders。　　In　the　opinion　of　all　his　enemies　and　of　most　Americans；　Seward　was　the　Republican　man　of　the　hour。　During　much　of　1859　he　had　discreetly　withdrawn　from　the　country　and　had　left　to　his　partisans　the　conduct　of　his　campaign；　which　seems　to　have　been　going　well　when　he　returned　in　the　midst　of　the　turmoil　following　the　death　of　John　Brown。　　Nevertheless　he　was　disturbed　over　his　prospects；　for　he　found　that　in　many　minds；　both　North　and　South；　he　was　looked　upon　as　the　ultimate　cause　of　all　the　turmoil。　　His　famous　speech　on　the　〃irrepressible　conflict〃　was　everywhere　quoted　as　an　exultant　prophecy　of　these　terrible　latter　days。

It　was　long　the　custom　to　deny　to　Seward　any　good　motive　in　a　speech　which　he　now　delivered；　just　as　it　was　to　deny　Webster　any　good　motive　for　his　famous　7th　of　March　speech。　　But　such　criticism　is　now　less　frequent　than　it　used　to　be。　　Both　men　were　seeking　the　Presidency；　both；　we　may　fairly　believe；　were　shocked　by　the　turmoil　of　political　currents；　each　tried　oiling　the　waters；　and　in　the　attempt　each　ruined　his　candidacy。　　Seward's　speech　in　condemnation　of　John　Brown　in　February；　1860；　was　an　appeal　to　the　conservative　North　against　the　radical　North；　and　to　many　of　his　followers　it　seemed　a　change　of　front。　　It　certainly　gained　him　no　new　friends　and　it　lost　him　some　old　ones；　so　that　his　star　as　a　presidential　candidate　began　its　decline。

The　first　ballot　in　the　Republican　convention　surprised　the　country。　　Of　the　votes；　233　were　necessary　for　a　choice。　　Seward　had　only　173　1/2。　　Next　to　him；　with　102　votes；　stood　none　of　the　leading　candidates；　but　the　comparatively　obscure　Lincoln。　　A　gap　of　more　than　50　votes　separated　Lincoln　from　Cameron；　Chase；　and　Bates。　　On　the　second　ballot　Seward　gained　11　votes；　while　Lincoln　gained　79。　　The　enemies　of　Seward；　finding　it　impossible　to　combine　on　any　of　the　conspicuous　candidates；　were　moving　toward　Lincoln；　the　man　with　fewest　enemies。　　The　third　ballot　gave　Lincoln　the　nomination。

We　have　seen　that　one　of　the　basal　questions　of　the　time　was　which　new　political　group　should　absorb　the　Whig　remainder。　　The　Constitutional　Union　party　aimed　to　accomplish　this。　　The　Republicans　sought　to　out…maneuver　them。　　They　made　their　platform　as　temperate　as　they　could　and　yet　consistent　with　the　maintenance　of　their　opposition　to　Douglas　and　popular　sovereignty；　and　they　went　no　further　in　their　anti…slavery　demands　than　that　the　territories　should　be　preserved　for　free　labor。

Another　basal　question　had　been　considered　in　the　Republican　platform。　　Where　would　Northern　capital　stand　in　the　reorganization　of　parties？　　Was　capital；　like　men；　to　become　frankly　sectional　or　would　it　remain　impersonal；　careless　how　nations　rose　or　fell；　so　long　as　dividends　continued？　　To　some　extent　capital　had　given　an　answer。　　When；　in　the　excitement　following　the　John　Brown　incident；　a　Southern　newspaper　published　a　white　list　of　New　York　merchants　whose　political　views　should　commend　them　to　Southerners；　and　a　black　list　of　those　who　were　objectionable；　many　New　Yorkers　sought　a　place　in　the　white　list。　Northern　capital　had　done　its　part　in　financing　the　revived　slave　trade。　August　Belmont；　the　New　York　representative　of　the　Rothschilds；　was　one　of　the　close　allies　of　Davis；　Yancey；　and　Benjamin　in　their　war　upon　Douglas。　　In　a　word；　a　great　portion　of　Northern　capital　had　its　heart　where　its　investments　werein　the　South。　But　there　was　other　capital　which　obeyed　the　same　law；　and　which　had　investments　in　the　North；　and　with　this　capital　the　Republicans　had　been　trafficking。　　They　had　succeeded　in　winning　over　the　powerful　manufacturing　interests　of　Pennsylvania；　the　pivotal　State　that　had　elected　Buchanan　in　1856。

The　steps　by　which　the　new　party　of　enthusiasm　made　its　deal　with　the　body　of　capital　which　was　not　at　one　with　Belmont　and　the　Democrats　are　not　essential　to　the　present　narrative。　　Two　facts　suffice。　　In　1857　a　great　collapse　in　American　business〃the　panic　of　fifty…seven〃led　the　commercial　world　to　turn　to　the　party　in　power　for　some　scheme　of　redress。　　But　their　very　principles；　among　which　was　non…intervention　in　business；　made　the　Democrats　feeble　doctors　for　such　a　need；　and　they　evaded　the　situation。　　The　Republicans；　with　their　insistence　on　positivism　in　government；　had　therefore　an　opportunity　to　make　a　new　application　of　the　doctrine　of　governmental　aid　to　business。　　In　the　spring　of　1860；　the　Republican　House　of　Representatives　passed　the　Morrill　tariff　bill；　consideration　of　which　was　postponed　by　the　Democratic　Senate。　　But　it　served　its　purpose：　it　was　a　Republican　manifesto。　　The　Republicans　felt　that　this　bill；　together　with　their　party　platform；　gave　the　necessary　guarantee　to　the　Pennsylvania　manufacturers；　and　they　therefore　entered　the　campaign　confident　they　would　carry　Pennsylvania　nor　was　their　confidence　misplaced。

The　campaign　was　characterized　by　three　things：　by　an　ominous　quiet　coupled　with　great　intensity　of　feeling；　by　the　organization　of　huge　party　societies　in　military　form〃Wide…awakes〃　for　Lincoln；　numbering　400；000；　and　〃Minute　Men〃　for　Breckenridge；　with　a　membership　chiefly　Southern；　and　by　the　perfect　frankness；　in　all　parts　of　the　South；　of　threats　of　secession　in　case　the　Republicans　won。

In　none　of　the　States　which　eventually　seceded　were　any　votes　cast　for　Lincoln；　with　the　exception　of　a　small　number　in　Virginia。　　In　almost　all　the　other　Southern　States　and　in　the　slave…holding　border　States；　all　the　other　candidates　made　respectable　showings。　In　Virginia；　Tennessee；　and　Kentucky；　Bell　led。　　But　everywhere　else　in　the　other　slave…holding　States　Breckinridge　led；　excepting　in　Missouri　where　Douglas　won　by　a　few　hundred。　　Every　free　State　except　New　Jersey　went　for　Lincoln。　　And　yet　he　did　not　have　a　majority　of　the　popular　vote；　which　stood：　Lincoln；　1；866；459；　Douglas；　1；376；957；　Breckinridge；　849；781；　Bell；　588；879*。　　The　majority　against　Lincoln　was　nearly　a　million。　　The　distribution　of　the　votes　was　such　that　Lincoln　had　in　the　Electoral　College；　180　electors；　Breckinridge；　72；　Bell；　39；　Douglas；　12。　　In　neither　House　of　Congress　did　the　Republicans　have　a　majority。

*The　figures　of　the　popular　vote　are　variously　given　by　different　compilers。　　These　are　taken　from　Stanwood；　〃A　History　of　the　Presidency〃。



CHAPTER　V。　SECESSION

In　tracing　American　history　from　1854　to　1860　we　cannot　fail　to　observe　that　it　reduces　itself　chiefly　to　a　problem　in　that　science　which　politicians　understand　so　wellapplied　psychology。　Definite　types　of　men　moulded　by　the　conditions　of　those　days　are　the　determining　factorsnot　the　slavery　question　in　itself；　not；　primarily；　economic　forces；　not　a　theory　of　government；　nor　a　clash　of　theories；　not　any　one　thing；　but　the　fluid；　changeful　forces　of　human　nature；　battling　with　circumstances　and　expressing　themselves　in　the　fashion　of　men's　minds。　　To　say　this　is　to　acknowledge　the　fatefulness　of　sheer　feeling。　　Davis　described　the　situation　exactly　when　he　said；　in　1860；　〃A　sectional　hostility　has　been　substituted　for　a　general　fraternity。〃　　To　his　own　question；　〃Where　is　the　remedy？〃　he　gave　the　answer；　〃In　the　hearts　of　the　people。〃　　There；　after　all；　is　the　conclusion　of　the　whole　matter。　　The　strife　between　North　and　South　had　ceased　to　be　a　thing　of　the　head；　it　had　become　a　thing　of　the　heart。　　Granted　the　emotions　of　1860；　the　way　in　which　our　country　staggered　into　war　has　all　the　terrible　fascination　of　a　tragedy　on　the　theme　of　fate。

That　a　secession　movement　would　begin　somewhere　in　the　South　before　the　end　of　1860　was　a　foregone　conclusion。　　South　Carolina　was　the　logical　place；　and　in　South　Carolina　the　inevitable　occurred。　　The　presidential　election　was　quickly　followed　by　an　election　of　delegates；　on　the　6th　of　December；　to　consider　in　convention　the　relations　of　the　State　with　the　Union。　　The　arguments　before　the　Convention　were　familiar　and　had　been　advocated　since　1851。　　The　leaders　of　the　disunionists　were　the　same　who　had　led　the　unsuccessful　movement　of　ten　years　before。　The　central　figure　was　Rhett；　who　never　for　a　moment　had　wavered。　Consumed　his　life　long　by　the　one　idea　of　the　independence　of　South　Carolina；　that　stern　enthusiast　pressed　on　to　a　triumphant　conclusion。　　The　powers　which　had　defeated　him　in　1851　were　now　either　silent　or　converted；　so　that　there　was　practically　no　opposition。　　In　a　burst　of　passionate　zeal　the　independence　of　South　Carolina　was　proclaimed　on　December　20；　1860；　by　an　ordinance　of　secession。

Simultaneously；　by　one　of　those　dramatic　coincidences　which　make　history　stranger　than　fiction；　Lincoln　took　a　step　which　supplemented　this　action　and　established　its　tragic　significance。　What　that　step　was　will　appear　in　a　moment。

Even　before　the　secession　began；　various　types　of　men　in　politics　had　begun　to　do　each　after　his　kind。　　Those　whom　destiny　drove　first　into　a　corner　were　the　lovers　of　political　evasion。　　The　issue　was　forced　upon　them　by　the　instantaneous　demand　of　the　people　of　South　Carolina　for　possession　of　forts　in　Charleston　Harbor　which　were　controlled　by　the　Federal　Government。　Anticipating　such　a　demand；　Major　Robert　Anderson；　the　commandant　at　Charleston；　had　written　to　Buchanan　on　the　23d　of　November　that　〃Fort　Sumter　and　Castle　Pinckney　must　be　garrisoned　immediately；　if　the　Government　determines　to　keep　command　of　this　harbor。〃

In　the　mind　of　every　American　of　the　party　of　political　evasion；　there　now　began　a　sad；　internal　conflict。　　Every　one　of　them　had　to　choose　among　three　courses：　to　shut　his　eyes　and　to　continue　to　wail　that　the　function　of　government　is　to　do　nothing；　to　make　an　end　of　political　evasion　and　to　come　out　frankly　in　approval　of　the