abraham lincoln and the union-第2章

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cognize　that　men　have　always　misapprehended　themselves；　contradicted　themselves；　obeyed　primal　impulses；　and　then　deluded　themselves　with　sophistications　upon　the　springs　of　action。　　In　a　word；　unaware　of　what　they　are　doing；　men　allow　their　aesthetic　and　dramatic　senses　to　shape　their　conceptions　of　their　own　lives。

That　〃great　impersonal　artist；〃　of　whom　Matthew　Arnold　has　so　much　to　say；　is　at　work　in　us　all；　subtly　making　us　into　illusions；　first　to　ourselves　and　later　to　the　historian。　　It　is　the　business　of　history；　as　of　analytic　fiction；　both　to　feel　the　power　of　these　illusions　and　to　work　through　them　in　imagination　to　the　dim　but　potent　motives　on　which　they　rest。　　We　are　prone　to　forget　that　we　act　from　subconscious　quite　as　often　as　from　conscious　influences；　from　motives　that　arise　out　of　the　dim　parts　of　our　being；　from　the　midst　of　shadows　that　psychology　has　only　recently　begun　to　lift；　where　senses　subtler　than　the　obvious　make　use　of　fear；　intuition；　prejudice；　habit；　and　illusion；　and　too　often　play　with　us　as　the　wind　with　blown　leaves。

True　as　this　is　of　man　individually；　it　is　even　more　fundamentally　true　of　man　collectively；　of　parties；　of　peoples。　　It　is　a　strikingly　accurate　description　of　the　relation　of　the　two　American　nations　that　now　found　themselves　opposed　within　the　Republic。　　Neither　fully　understood　the　other。　　Each　had　a　social　ideal　that　was　deeper　laid　than　any　theory　of　government　or　than　any　commercial　or　humanitarian　interest。　　Both　knew　vaguely　but　with　sure　instinct　that　their　interests　and　ideals　were　irreconcilable。　　Each　felt　in　its　heart　the　deadly　passion　of　self…preservation。　　It　was　because；　in　both　North　and　South；　men　were　subtly　conscious　that　a　whole　social　system　was　the　issue　at　stake；　and　because　on　each　side　they　believed　in　their　own　ideals　with　their　whole　souls；　that；　when　the　time　came　for　their　trial　by　fire；　they　went　to　their　deaths　singing。

In　the　South　there　still　obtained　the　ancient　ideal　of　territorial　aristocracy。　　Those　long　traditions　of　the　Western　European　peoples　which　had　made　of　the　great　landholder　a　petty　prince　lay　beneath　the　plantation　life　of　the　Southern　States。　　The　feudal　spirit；　revived　in　a　softer　world　and　under　brighter　skies；　gave　to　those　who　participated　in　it　the　same　graces　and　somewhat　the　same　capacities　which　it　gave　to　the　knightly　class　in　the　days　of　Rolandcourage；　frankness；　generosity；　ability　in　affairs；　a　sense　of　responsibility；　the　consciousness　of　caste。　　The　mode　of　life　which　the　planters　enjoyed　and　which　the　inferior　whites　regarded　as　a　social　paradise　was　a　life　of　complete　deliverance　from　toil；　of　disinterested　participation　in　local　government；　of　absolute　personal　freedoma　life　in　which　the　mechanical　action　of　law　was　less　important　than　the　more　human　compulsion　of　social　opinion；　and　in　which　private　differences　were　settled　under　the　code　of　honor。

This　Southern　life　was　carried　on　in　the　most　appropriate　environment。　　On　a　landed　estate；　often　larger　than　many　of　Europe's　baronies；　stood　the　great　house　of　the　planter；　usually　a　graceful　example　of　colonial　architecture；　surrounded　by　stately　gardens。　　This　mansion　was　the　center　of　a　boundless　hospitality；　guests　were　always　coming　and　going；　the　hostess　and　her　daughters　were　the　very　symbols　of　kindliness　and　ease。　　To　think　of　such　houses　was　to　think　of　innumerable　joyous　days；　of　gentlemen　galloping　across　country　after　the　hounds；　of　coaches　lumbering　along　avenues　of　noble　oaks；　bringing　handsome　women　to　visit　the　mansion；　of　great　feastings；　of　nights　of　music　and　dancing；　above　all；　of　the　great　festival　of　Christmas；　celebrated　much　as　had　been　the　custom　in　〃Merrie　England〃　centuries　before。

Below　the　surface　of　this　bright　world　lay　the　enslaved　black　race。　In　the　minds　of　many　Southernersit　was　always　a　secret　burden　from　which　they　saw　no　means　of　freeing　themselves。　　To　emancipate　the　slaves；　and　thereby　to　create　a　population　of　free　blacks；　was　generally　considered；　from　the　white　point　of　view；　an　impossible　solution　of　the　problem。　　The　Southerners　usually　believed　that　the　African　could　be　tamed　only　in　small　groups　and　when　constantly　surrounded　by　white　influence；　as　in　the　case　of　house　servants。　　Though　a　few　great　capitalists　had　taken　up　the　idea　that　the　deliberate　exploitation　of　the　blacks　was　the　high　prerogative　of　the　whites；　the　general　sentiment　of　the　Southern　people　was　more　truly　expressed　by　Toombs　when　he　said：　〃The　question　is　not　whether　we　could　be　more　prosperous　and　happy　with　these　three　and　a　half　million　slaves　in　Africa；　and　their　places　filled　with　an　equal　number　of　hardy；　intelligent；　and　enterprising　citizens　of　the　superior　race；　but　it　is　simply　whether；　while　we　have　them　among　us；　we　would　be　most　prosperous　with　them　in　freedom　or　in　bondage。〃

The　Southern　people；　in　the　majority　of　instances；　had　no　hatred　of　the　blacks。　　In　the　main　they　led　their　free；　spirited；　and　gracious　life；　convinced　that　the　maintenance　of　slavery　was　but　making　the　best　of　circumstances　which　were　beyond　their　control。　It　was　these　Southern　people　who　were　to　hear　from　afar　the　horrible　indictment　of　all　their　motives　by　the　Abolitionists　and　who　were　to　react　in　a　growing　bitterness　and　distrust　toward　everything　Northern。

But　of　these　Southern　people　the　average　Northerner　knew　nothing。　He　knew　the　South　only　on　its　least　attractive　side　of　professional　politics。　　For　there　was　a　group　of　powerful　magnates；　rich　planters　or　〃slave　barons；〃　who　easily　made　their　way　into　Congress；　and　who　played　into　the　hands　of　the　Northern　capitalists；　for　a　purpose　similar　to　theirs。　　It　was　these　men　who　forced　the　issue　upon　slavery；　they　warned　the　common　people　of　the　North　to　mind　their　own　business；　and　for　doing　so　they　were　warmly　applauded　by　the　Northern　capitalist　class。　　It　was　therefore　in　opposition　to　the　whole　American　world　of　organized　capital　that　the　Northern　masses　demanded　the　use　of　〃the　Northern　hammer〃as　Sumner　put　it；　in　one　of　his　most　furious　speechesin　their　aim　to　destroy　a　section　where；　intuitively；　they　felt　their　democratic　ideal　could　not　be　realized。

And　what　was　that　ideal？　　Merely　to　answer　democracy　is　to　dodge　the　fundamental　question。　　The　North　was　too　complex　in　its　social　structure　and　too　multitudinous　in　its　interests　to　confine　itself　to　one　type　of　life。　　It　included　all　sorts　and　conditions　of　menfrom　the　most　gracious　of　scholars　who　lived　in　romantic　ease　among　his　German　and　Spanish　books；　and　whose　lovely　house　in　Cambridge　is　forever　associated　with　the　noble　presence　of　Washington；　to　the　hardy　frontiersman；　breaking　the　new　soil　of　his　Western　claim；　whose　wife　at　sunset　shaded　her　tired　eyes；　under　a　hand　rough　with　labor；　as　she　stood　on　the　threshold　of　her　log　cabin；　watching　for　the　return　of　her　man　across　the　weedy　fields　which　he　had　not　yet　fully　subdued。　　Far　apart　as　were　Longfellow　and　this　toiler　of　the　West；　they　yet　felt　themselves　to　be　one　in　purpose。

They　were　democrats；　but　not　after　the　simple；　elementary　manner　of　the　democrats　at　the　opening　of　the　century。　　In　the　North；　there　had　come　to　life　a　peculiar　phase　of　idealism　that　had　touched　democracy　with　mysticism　and　had　added　to　it　a　vague　but　genuine　romance。　　This　new　vision　of　the　destiny　of　the　country　had　the　practical　effect　of　making　the　Northerners　identify　themselves　in　their　imaginations　with　all　mankind　and　in　creating　in　them　an　enthusiastic　desire；　not　only　to　give　to　every　American　a　home　of　his　own；　but　also　to　throw　open　the　gates　of　the　nation　and　to　share　the　wealth　of　America　with　the　poor　of　all　the　world。　In　very　truth；　it　was　their　dominating　passion　to　give　〃land　to　the　landless。〃　　Here　was　the　clue　to　much　of　their　attitude　toward　the　South。　　Most　of　these　Northern　dreamers　gave　little　or　no　thought　to　slavery　itself；　but　they　felt　that　the　section　which　maintained　such　a　system　so　committed　to　aristocracy　that　any　real　friendship　with　it　was　impossible。

We　are　thus　forced　to　conceive　the　American　Republic　in　the　years　immediately　following　the　Compromise　of　1850　as；　in　effect；　a　dual　nation；　without　a　common　loyalty　between　the　two　parts。　　Before　long　the　most　significant　of　the　great　Northerners　of　the　time　was　to　describe　this　impossible　condition　by　the　appropriate　metaphor　of　a　house　divided　against　itself。　　It　was　not；　however；　until　eight　years　after　the　division　of　the　country　had　been　acknowledged　in　1850　that　these　words　were　uttered。　　In　those　eight　years　both　sections　awoke　to　the　seriousness　of　the　differences　that　they　had　admitted。　　Both　perceived　that；　instead　of　solving　their　problem　in　1850；　they　had　merely　drawn　sharply　the　lines　of　future　conflict。　　In　every　thoughtful　mind　there　arose　the　same　alternative　questions：　Is　there　no　solution　but　fighting　it　out　until　one　side　destroys　the　other；　or　we　end　as　two　nations　confessedly　independent？　Or　is　there　some　conceivable　new　outlet　for　this　opposition　of　energy　on　the　part　of　the　sections；　some　new　mode　of　permanent　adjustment？

It　was　at　the　moment　when　thinking　men　were　asking　these　questions　that　one　of　the　nimblest　of　politicians　took　the　center　of　the　stage。　　Stephen　A。　Douglas　was　far…sighted　enough　to　understand　the　land…hunger　of　the　time。　　One　is　tempted　to　add　that　his　ear　was　to　the　ground。　　The　statement　will　not；　however；　go　unchallenged；　for　able　apologists　have　their　good　word　to　say　for　Douglas。　　Though　in　the　main；　the　traditional　view　of　him　as　the　prince　of　political　jugglers　still　holds　its　own；　let　us　admit　that　his　bold；　rough　spirit；　filled　as　it　was　with　political　daring；　was　not　without　its　strange　vein　of　idealism。　　And　then　let　us　repeat　that　his　ear　was　to　the　ground。　　Much　careful　research　has　indeed　been　expended　in　seeking　to　determine　who　originated　the　policy　which；　about　1853；　Douglas　decided　to　make　his　own。　　There　has　also　been　much　dispute　about　his　motives。　Most　of　us；　however；　see　in　his　course　of　action　an　instance　of　playing　the　game　of　politics　with　an　audacity　that　was　magnificent。

His　conduct　may　well　have　been　the　result　of　a　combination　of　motives　which　included　a　desire　to　retain　the　favor　of　the　Northwest；　a　wish　to　pave　the　way　to　his　candidacy　for　the　Presidency；　the　intention　to　enlist　the　aid　of　the　South　as　well　as　that　of　his　own　locality；　and　perhaps　the　hope　that　he　was　performing　a　service　of　real　value　to　his　country。　　That　is；　he　saw　that　the　favor　of　his　own　Northwest　would　be　lavished　upon　any　man　who　opened　up　to　settlement　the　rich　lands　beyond　Iowa　and　Missouri　which　were　still　held　by　the　Indians；　and　for　which　the　Westerners　were　clamoring。　　Furthermore；　they　wanted　a　railroad　that　would　reach　to　the　Pacific。　　There　were；　however；　local　entanglements　and　political　cross…purposes　which　involved　the　interests　of　the　free　State　of　Illinois　and　those　of　the　slave　State　of　Missouri。

Douglas's　great　stroke　was　a　programme　for　harmonizing　all　these　conflicting　interests　and　for　drawing　together　the　West　and　the　South。　　Slaveholders　were　to　be　given　what　at　that　moment　they　wanted　mostan　opportunity　to　expand　into　that　territory　to　the　north　and　west　of　Missouri　which　had　been　made　free　by　the　Compromise　of　1820；　while　the　free　Northwe