the sequel of appomattox-第31章

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xed　marriages　were　few；　but　these　were　made　occasions　of　exultation　over　the　whites　and　of　consequent　ill　feeling。

Charles　Sumner　was　a　persistent　agitator　for　equal　rights。　In　1871　he　declared　in　a　letter　to　a　South　Carolina　Negro　convention　that　the　race　must　insist　not　only　upon　equality　in　hotels　and　on　public　carriers　but　also　in　the　schools。　〃It　is　not　enough；　〃　he　said；　〃to　provide　separate　accommodations　for　colored　citizens　even　if　in　all　respects　as　good　as　those　of　other　persons　。　。　。　。　The　discrimination　is　an　insult　and　a　hindrance；　and　a　bar；　which　not　only　destroys　comfort　and　prevents　equality；　but　weakens　all　other　rights。　The　right　to　vote　will　have　new　security　when　your　equal　right　in　public　conveyances；　hotels；　and　common　schools；　is　at　last　established；　but　here　you　must　insist　for　yourselves　by　speech；　petition；　and　by　vote。〃　The　Southern　whites　began　to　develop　the　〃Jim　Crow〃　theory　of　〃separate　but　equal〃　accommodations。　Senator　Hill　of　Georgia；　for　example；　thought　that　hotels　might　have　separate　divisions　for　the　two　races；　and　he　cited　the　division　in　the　churches　as　proof　that　the　Negro　wanted　separation。

About　1874；　it　was　plain　that　the　last　radical　Congress　was　nearly　ready　to　enact　social　equality　legislation。　This　fact　turned　many　of　the　Southern　Unionist　class　back　to　the　Democratic　party；　there　to　remain　for　a　long　time。　In　1875；　as　a　sort　of　memorial　to　Sumner；　Congress　passed　the　Civil　Rights　Act；　which　gave　to　Negroes　equal　rights　in　hotels；　places　of　amusement；　on　public　carriers；　and　on　juries。　Some　Democratic　leaders　were　willing　to　see　such　legislation　enacted；　because　in　the　first　place；　it　would　have　little　effect　except　in　the　Border　and　Northern　States；　where　it　would　turn　thousands　into　the　Democratic　fold；　and　in　the　second　place；　because　they　were　sure　that　in　time　the　Supreme　Court　would　declare　the　law　unconstitutional。　And　so　it　happened。

In　regions　where　the　more　unprincipled　radical　leaders　were　in　control；　the　whites　lived　at　times　in　fear　of　Negro　uprisings。　The　Negroes　were　armed　and　insolent；　and　the　whites　were　few　and　widely　scattered。　Here　and　there　outbreaks　occurred　and　individual　whites　and　isolated　families　suffered；　but　as　a　rule　all　such　movements　were　crushed　with　much　heavier　loss　to　the　Negroes　than　to　the　better　organized　whites。　Nevertheless　everlasting　apprehension　for　the　safety　of　women　and　children　kept　the　white　men　nervous。　General　Garnett　Andrews　remarked　about　the　situation　in　Mississippi：

〃I　have　never　suffered　such　an　amount　of　anguish　and　alarm　in　all　my　life。　I　have　served　through　the　whole　war　as　a　soldier　in　the　army　of　Northern　Virginia；　and　saw　all　of　it；　but　I　never　did　experience　。　。　。　the　fear　and　alarm　and　sense　of　danger　which　I　felt　that　time。　And　this　was　the　universal　feeling　among　the　population；　among　the　white　people。　I　think　that　both　sides　were　alarmed　and　felt　uneasy。　It　showed　itself　upon　the　countenance　of　the　people；　it　made　many　of　them　sick。　Men　looked　haggard　and　pale；　after　undergoing　this　sort　of　thing　for　six　weeks　or　a　month；　and　I　have　felt　when　I　laid　＇sic＇　down　that　neither　myself；　nor　my　wife　and　children　were　in　safety。　I　expected；　and　honestly　anticipated；　and　thought　it　highly　probable；　that　I　might　be　assassinated　and　my　house　set　on　fire　at　any　time。〃

By　the　fires　of　reconstruction　the　whites　were　fused　into　a　more　homogeneous　society；　social　as　well　as　political。　The　former　slaveholding　class　continued　to　be　more　considerate　of　the　Negro　than　were　the　poor　whites；　but；　as　misrule　went　on；　all　classes　tended　to　unite　against　the　Negro　in　politics。　They　were　tired　of　reconstruction；　new　amendments；　force　bills；　Federal　troops　tired　of　being　ruled　as　conquered　provinces　by　the　incompetent　and　the　dishonest。　Every　measure　aimed　at　the　South　seemed　to　them　to　mean　that　they　were　considered　incorrigible　and　unworthy　of　trust；　and　that　they　were　being　made　to　suffer　for　the　deeds　of　irresponsible　whites。　And；　to　make　matters　worse；　strong　opposition　to　proscriptive　measures　was　called　fresh　rebellion。　〃When　the　Jacobins　say　and　do　low　and　bitter　things；　their　charge　of　want　of　loyalty　in　the　South　because　our　people　grumble　back　a　little　seems　to　me　as　unreasonable　as　the　complaint　of　the　little　boy：　'Mamma；　make　Bob　'have　hisself。　He　makes　mouths　at　me　every　time　I　hit　him　with　my　stick。'〃*

*　Usually　ascribed　to　General　D。　H。　Hill　of　North　Carolina；　and　quoted　in　〃The　Land　We　Love〃；　vol。　1；　p。　146。


Probably　this　burden　fell　heavier　on　the　young　men；　who　had　life　before　them　and　who　were　growing　up　with　diminished　opportunities。　Sidney　Lanier；　then　an　Alabama　school　teacher；　wrote　to　Bayard　Taylor：　〃Perhaps　you　know　that　with　us　of　the　young　generation　in　the　South；　since　the　war；　pretty　much　the　whole　of　life　has　been　merely　not　dying。〃　Negro　and　alien　rule　was　a　constant　insult　to　the　intelligence　of　the　country。　The　taxpayers　were　nonparticipants　in　the　affairs　of　government。　Some　people　withdrew　entirely　from　public　life；　went　to　their　farms　or　plantations；　kept　away　from　towns　and　from　speechmaking；　waiting　for　the　end　to　come。　There　were　some　who　refused　for　several　years　to　read　the　newspapers；　so　unpleasant　was　the　news。　The　good　feeling　produced　by　the　magnanimity　of　Grant　at　Appomattox　was　destroyed　by　the　severity　of　his　Southern　policy　when　he　became　President。　There　was　no　gratitude　for　any　so…called　leniency　of　the　North；　no　repentance　for　the　war；　no　desire　for　humiliation；　for　sackcloth　and　ashes；　and　no　confession　of　wrong。　The　insistence　of　the　radicals　upon　obtaining　a　confession　of　depravity　only　made　things　much　worse。　Scarcely　a　measure　of　Congress　during　reconstruction　was　designed　or　received　in　a　conciliatory　spirit。

The　new　generation　of　whites　was　poor；　bitter　because　of　persecution；　ill…educated；　overworked；　without　a　bright　future；　and　shadowed　by　the　race　problem。　Though　their　new　political　leaders　were　shrewd；　narrow；　conservative；　honest；　and　parsimonious；　the　constant　fighting　of　fire　with　fire　scorched　all。　In　the　bitter　discipline　of　reconstruction；　the　pleasantest　side　of　Southern　life　came　to　an　end。　During　the　war　and　the　consequent　reconstruction　there　was　a　marked　change　in　Southern　temperament　toward　the　severe。　Hospitality　declined；　the　old　Southern　life　had　never　been　on　a　business　basis；　but　the　new　Southern　life　now　adjusted　itself　to　a　stricter　economy；　the　old　individuality　was　partially　lost；　but　class　distinctions　were　less　obvious　in　a　more　homogeneous　society。　The　material　evils　of　reconstruction　may　be　only　temporary；　state　debts　may　be　paid　and　wasted　resources　renewed；　but　the　moral　and　intellectual　results　of　the　revolution　will　be　the　more　permanent。



CHAPTER　XIII。　RESTORATION　OF　HOME　RULE

The　radical　program　of　reconstruction　ended　after　ten　years　in　failure　rather　because　of　a　change　in　public　opinion　in　the　North　than　because　of　the　resistance　of　the　Southern　whites。　The　North　of　1877；　indeed；　was　not　the　North　of　1867。　A　more　tolerant　attitude　toward　the　South　developed　as　the　North　passed　through　its　own　period　of　misgovernment　when　all　the　large　cities　were　subject　to　〃ring　rule〃　and　corruption；　as　in　New　York　under　〃Boss〃　Tweed　and　in　the　District　of　Columbia　under　〃Boss〃　Shepherd。　The　Federal　civil　service　was　discredited　by　the　scandals　connected　with　the　Sanborn　contracts；　the　Whisky　Ring；　and　the　Star　Routes；　while　some　leaders　in　Congress　were　under　a　cloud　from　the　〃Salary　Grab〃　and　Credit　Mobilier　disclosures。*

*　See　〃The　Boss　and　the　Machine〃；　by　Samuel　P。　Orth　in　〃The　Chronicles　of　America〃）。


The　marvelous　material　development　of　the　North　and　West　also　drew　attention　away　from　sectional　controversies。　Settlers　poured　into　the　plains　beyond　the　Mississippi　and　the　valleys　of　the　Far　West；　new　industries　sprang　up；　unsuspected　mineral　wealth　was　discovered；　railroads　were　built。　Not　only　bankers　but　taxpaying　voters　took　an　interest　in　the　financial　readjustments　of　the　time。　Many　thousand　people　followed　the　discussions　over　the　funding　and　refunding　of　the　national　debt；　the　retirement　of　the　greenbacks；　and　the　proposed　lowering　of　tariff　duties。　Yet　the　Black　Friday　episode　of　1869；　when　Jay　Gould　and　James　Fisk　cornered　the　visible　supply　of　gold；　and　the　panic　of　1873　were　indications　of　unsound　financial　conditions。

These　new　developments　and　the　new　domestic　problems　which　they　involved　all　tended　to　divert　public　thought　from　the　old　political　issues　arising　out　of　the　war。　Foreign　relations；　too；　began　to　take　on　a　new　interest。　The　Alabama　claims　controversy　with　England　continued　to　hold　the　public　attention　until　finally　settled　by　the　Geneva　Arbitration　in　1872。　President　Grant；　as　much　of　an　expansionist　as　Seward；　for　two　years　（1869…71）　tried　to　secure　Santo　Domingo　or　a　part　of　it　for　an　American　naval　base　in　the　West　Indies。　But　the　United　States　had　race　problems　enough　already　and　the　Senate；　led　by　Sumner；　refused　to　sanction　the　acquisition。　Relations　with　Spain　were　frequently　strained　on　account　of　American　filibustering　expeditions　to　aid　Cuban　insurgents。　Spain　repeatedly　charged　the　United　States　with　laxness　toward　such　violations　of　international　law；　and　President　Grant；　seeing　no　other　way　out；　recommended　in　1869　and　again　in　1870　that　the　Cuban　insurgents　be　recognized　as　belligerents；　but　still　the　Senate　held　back。　The　climax　came　in　1873；　when　the　Spanish　authorities　in　Cuba　captured　on　the　high　seas　the　Virginius*　with　a　filibustering　expedition　on　board　and　executed　fifty…three　of　the　crew　and　passengers；　among　them　eight　Americans。　For　a　time　war　seemed　imminent；　but　Spain　acted　quickly　and　effected　a　peaceable　settlement。

*　See　〃The　Path　of　Empire〃；　by　Carl　Russell　Fish　（in　〃The　Chronicles　of　America〃）；　p。　119。


It　became　evident　soon　after　1867　that　the　issues　involved　in　reconstruction　were　not　in　themselves　sufficient　to　hold　the　North　solidly　Republican。　Toward　Negro　suffrage；　for　example；　Northern　public　opinion　was　on　the　whole　unfriendly。　In　1867；　the　Negro　was　permitted　to　vote　only　in　New　York　and　in　New　England；　except　in　Connecticut。　Before　1869；　Negro　suffrage　was　rejected　in　Connecticut；　Wisconsin；　Kansas；　Ohio；　Maryland；　Missouri；　Michigan；　and　Minnesota。　The　Republicans　in　their　national　platform　of　1868　went　only　so　far　as　to　say　that；　while　Negro　suffrage　was　to　be　forced　upon　the　South；　it　must　remain　a　local　question　in　the　North。　The　Border　States　rapidly　lined　up　with　the　white　South　on　matters　of　race；　church；　and　politics。

It　was　not　until　1874；　however；　that　the　changing　opinion　was　made　generally　effective　in　the　elections。　The　skillfully　managed　radical　organization　held　large　majorities　in　every　Congress　from　the　Thirty…ninth　to　the　Forty…third；　and　the　electoral　votes　in　1868　and　1879　seemed　to　show　that　the　conservative　opposition　was　insignificant。　But　these　figures　do　not　tell　the　whole　story。　Even　in　1864；　when　Lincoln　won　by　nearly　half　a　million；　the　popular　vote　was　as　eighteen　to　twenty…two；　and　four　years　later　Grant；　the　most　popular　man　in　the　United　States；　had　a　majority　of　only　three　hundred　thousand　over　Seymour；　and　this　majority　and　more　came　from　the　new　Negro　voters。　Four　years　later　with　about　a　million　Negro　voters　ava