proposed roads to freedom(宥吏徭喇岻揃)-及26嫗
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!!!!隆堋響頼��紗秘慕禰厮宴和肝写偬堋響��
disposed to hatred of foreign nations。 This is one of the evils inseparable
from the concentration of power。 It will only be cured by the abolition of
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capitalism if the new system is one which allows very much less power to
single individuals。 It will not be cured by a system which substitutes the
power of Ministers or officials for the power of capitalists This is one
reason�察�additional to those mentioned in the preceding chapter�察�for desiring
to see a diminution in the authority of the State。
Not only does the concentration of power tend to cause wars�察 �but�察�
equally�察 �wars and the fear of them bring about the necessity for the
concentration of power。 So long as the community is exposed to sudden
dangers�察�the possibility of quick decision is absolutely necessary to self´
preservation。 The cumbrous machinery of deliberative decisions by the
people is impossible in a crisis�察�and therefore so long as crises are likely to
occur�察 �it is impossible to abolish the almost autocratic power of
governments。 In this case�察�as in most others�察�each of two correlative evils
tends to perpetuate the other。 The existence of men with the habit of power
increases the risk of war�察 �and the risk of war makes it impossible to
establish a system where no man possesses great power。
So far we have been considering what is true in the contention that
capitalism causes modern wars。 It is time now to look at the other side�察�
and to ask ourselves whether the abolition of capitalism would�察�by itself�察�
be sufficient to prevent war。
I do not myself believe that this is the case。 The outlook of both
Socialists and Anarchists seems to me�察�in this respect as in some others�察�to
be unduly divorced from the fundamental instincts of human nature。 There
were wars before there was capital´ ism�察 �and fighting is habitual among
animals。 The power of the Press in promoting war is entirely due to the
fact that it is able to appeal to certain instincts。 Man is naturally
competitive�察 �acquisitive�察 �and�察 �in a greater or less degree�察 �pugnacious。
When the Press tells him that so´and´so is his enemy�察 �a whole set of
instincts in him responds to the suggestion。 It is natural to most men to
suppose that they have enemies and to find a certain fulfillment of their
nature when they embark upon a contest。 What a man believes upon
grossly insufficient evidence is an index to his desiresdesires of which he
himself is often unconscious。 If a man is offered a fact which goes against
his instincts�察 �he will scrutinize it closely�察 �and unless the evidence is
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overwhelming�察 �he will refuse to believe it。 If�察 �on the other hand�察 �he is
offered something which affords a reason for acting in accordance with his
instincts�察�he will accept it even on the slenderest evidence。 The origin of
myths is explained in this way�察�and much of what is currently believed in
international affairs is no better than myth。 Although capitalism affords in
modern society the channel by which the instinct of pugnacity finds its
outlet�察�there is reason to fear that�察�if this channel were closed�察�some other
would be found�察 �unless education and environment were so changed as
enormously to diminish the strength of the competitive instinct。 If an
economic reorganization can effect this it may pro´ vide a real safeguard
against war�察�but if not�察�it is to be feared that the hopes of universal peace
will prove delusive。
The abolition of capitalism might�察 �and very likely would�察 �greatly
diminish the incentives to war which are derived from the Press and from
the desire of finance to find new fields for investment in undeveloped
countries�察�but those which are derived from the instinct of command and
the impatience of opposition might remain�察 �though perhaps in a less
virulent form than at present。 A democracy which has power is almost
always more bellicose than one which is excluded from its due share in the
government。 The internationalism of Marx is based upon the assumption
that the proletariat everywhere are oppressed by the ruling classes。 The
last words of the Communist Manifesto embody this idea
Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution。 The
proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains。 They have a world to
win。 Working men of all countries�察�unite� �
So long as the proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains�察�it is
not likely that their enmity will be directed against other proletarians。 If
the world had developed as Marx expected�察�the kind of internationalism
which he foresaw might have inspired a universal social revolution。 Russia�察�
which devel´ oped more nearly than any other country upon the lines of
his system�察 �has had a revolution of the kind which he expected。 If the
development in other countries had been similar�察�it is highly probable that
this revolution would have spread throughout the civilized world。 The
proletariat of all countries might have united against the capitalists as their
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common enemy�察�and in the bond of an identical hatred they might for the
moment have been free from hatred toward each other。 Even then�察 �this
ground of union would have ceased with their victory�察�and on the morrow
of the social revolution the old national rivalries might have revived。
There is no alchemy by which a universal harmony can be produced out of
hatred。 Those who have been inspired to action by the doctrine of the class
war will have acquired the habit of hatred�察�and will instinctively seek new
enemies when the old ones have been vanquished。
But in actual fact the psychology of the working man in any of the
Western democracies is totally unlike that which is assumed in the
Communist Manifesto。 He does not by any means feel that he has nothing
to lose but his chains�察�nor indeed is this true。 The chains which bind Asia
and Africa in subjection to Europe are partly riveted by him。 He is himself
part of a great system of tyranny and exploitation。 Universal freedom
would remove�察�not only his own chains�察�which are comparatively light�察�but
the far heavier chains which he has helped to fasten upon the subject races
of the world。
Not only do the working men of a country like England have a share in
the benefit accruing from the exploitation of inferior races�察 �but many
among them also have their part in the capitalist system。 The funds of
Trade Unions and Friendly Societies are invested in ordinary undertakings�察�
such as railways�察 �many of the better´paid wage´earners have put their
savings into government securities�察 �and almost all who are politically
active feel themselves part of the forces that determine public policy�察�
through the power of the Labor Party and the greater unions。 Owing to
these causes their outlook on life has become to a considerable extent
impregnated with capitalism and as their sense of power has grown�察�their
nationalism has increased。 This must continue to be true of any
internationalism which is based upon hatred of the capitalist and
adherence to the doctrine of the class war。 Something more positive and
constructive than this is needed if governing democracies are not to inherit
the vices of governing classes in the past。
I do not wish to be thought to deny that capitalism does very much to
promote wars�察 �or that wars would probably be less frequent and less
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destructive if private property were abolished。 On the contrary�察�I believe
that the abolition of private ownership of land and capital is a necessary
step toward any world in which the nations are to live at peace with one
another。 I am only arguing that this step�察�necessary as it is�察�will not alone
suffice for this end�察�but that among the causes of war there are others that
go deeper into the roots of human nature than any that orthodox Socialists
are wont to acknowledge。
Let us take an instance。 In Australia and California there is an intense
dislike and fear toward the yellow races。 The causes of this are complex�察�
the chief among them are two�察 �labor competition and instinctive race´
hatred。 It is probable that�察�if race´ hatred did not exist�察�the difficulties of
labor competition could be overcome。 European immigrants also compete�察�
but they are not excluded。 In a sparsely populated country�察 �industrious
cheap labor could�察�with a little care�察�be so utilized as to enrich the existing
inhabitants�察�it might�察�for example�察�be confined to certain kinds of work�察�by
custom if not by law。 But race´hatred opens men's minds to the evils of
competition and closes them against the advantages of co´operation�察 �it
makes them regard with horror the somewhat unfamiliar vices of the
aliens�察�while our own vices are viewed with mild toleration。 I cannot but
think that�察�if Australia were completely socialized�察�there would still remain
the same popular objection as at present to any large influx of Chinese or
Japanese labor。 Yet if Japan also were to become a Socialist State�察 �the
Japanese might well continue to feel the pressure of population and the
desire for an outlet。 In such circumstances�察�all the passions and interests
required to produce a war would exist�察 �in spite of the establishment of
Soc