the psychology of revolution-第15章

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of　whose　kin　are　in　the　army　regard　the　dangers　they　are　running

as　secondary；　and　fear　nothing　but　peace。　　Happily　this　peace；

which　would　be　the　death…warrant　of　Russia；　will　not　be

negotiated；　the　Emperor　does　not　conceive　of　such　an　idea；　and

even　if　he　would　he　could　not。　　This　is　the　heroic　side　of　our

position。''



The　Empress　describes　to　her　mother　the　two　following　traits；

which　give　some　idea　of　the　degree　of　resistance　of　which　the

soul　of　the　Russian　is　capable：



‘‘The　Frenchmen　had　caught　some　unhappy　peasants　in　Moscow；　whom

they　thought　to　force　to　serve　in　their　ranks；　and　in　order　that

they　should　not　be　able　to　escape　they　branded　their　hands　as　one

brands　horses　in　the　stud。　　One　of　them　asked　what　this　mark

meant；　he　was　told　it　signified　that　he　was　a　French　soldier。　

‘What！　　I　am　a　soldier　of　the　Emperor　of　the　French！'　he　said。　

And　immediately　he　took　his　hatchet；　cut　off　his　hand；　and　threw

it　at　the　feet　of　those　present；　saying；　‘Take　itthere's　your

mark！'



‘‘At　Moscow；　too；　the　French　had　taken　a　score　of　peasants　of

whom　they　wished　to　make　an　example　in　order　to　frighten　the

villagers；　who　were　picking　off　the　French　foraging　parties　and

were　making　war　as　well　as　the　detachments　of　regular　troops。　

They　ranged　them　against　a　wall　and　read　their　sentence　in

Russian。　　They　waited　for　them　to　beg　for　mercy：　instead　of　that

they　took　farewell　of　one　another　and　made　their　sign　of　the

cross。　　The　French　fired　on　the　first　of　them；　they　waited　for

the　rest　to　beg　for　pardon　in　their　terror；　and　to　promise　to

change　their　conduct。　　They　fired　on　the　second；　and　on　the

third；　and　so　on　all　the　twenty；　without　a　single　one　having

attempted　to　implore　the　clemency　of　the　enemy。　　Napoleon　has

not　once　had　the　pleasure　of　profaning　this　word　in　Russia。''



Among　the　characteristics　of　the　popular　mind　we　must　mention

that　in　all　peoples　and　all　ages　it　has　been　saturated

with　mysticism。　　The　people　will　always　be　convinced　that

superior　beingsdivinities；　Governments；　or　great　menhave　the

power　to　change　things　at　will。　　This　mystic　side　produces　an

intense　need　of　adoration。　　The　people　must　have　a　fetich；　either

a　man　or　a　doctrine。　　This　is　why；　when　threatened　with　anarchy；

it　calls　for　a　Messiah　to　save　it。



Like　the　crowd；　but　more　slowly；　the　people　readily　passes　from

adoration　to　hatred。　　A　man　may　be　the　hero　of　the　people　at　one

period；　and　finally　earn　its　curses。　　These　variations　of　popular

opinion　concerning　political　personalities　may　be　observed　in　all

times。　　The　history　of　Cromwell　furnishes　us　with　a　very　curious

example。＇5＇





＇5＇　After　having　overthrown　a　dynasty　and　refused　a　crown　he　was

buried　like　a　king　among　kings。　　Two　years　later　his　body　was

torn　from　the　tomb；　and　his　head；　cut　off　by　the　executioner；　was

exposed　above　the　gate　of　the　House　of　Parliament。　　A　little

while　ago　a　statue　was　raised　to　him。　　The　old　anarchist　turned

autocrat　now　figures　in　the　gallery　of　demigods。







4。　　The　Role　of　the　Leader　in　Revolutionary　Movements。





All　the　varieties　of　crowdshomogeneous　and　heterogeneous；

assemblies；　peoples；　clubs；　&c。are；　as　we　have　often　repeated；

aggregates　incapable　of　unity　and　action　so　long　as　they　find　no

master　to　lead　them。



I　have　shown　elsewhere；　making　use　of　certain　physiological

experiments；　that　the　unconscious　collective　mind　of　the　crowd

seems　bound　up　with　the　mind　of　the　leader。　　The　latter　gives　it

a　single　will　and　imposes　absolute　obedience。



The　leader　acts　especially　through　suggestion。　　His　success

depends　on　his　fashion　of　provoking　this　suggestion。　　Many

experiments　have　shown　to　what　point　a　collectivity　may　be

subjected　to　suggestion。＇6＇





＇6＇　Among　the　numerous　experiments　made　to　prove　this　fact　one　of

the　most　remarkable　was　performed　on　the　pupils　of　his　class　by

Professor　Glosson　and　published　in　the　Revue　Scientifique　for

October　28；　1899。



‘‘I　prepared　a　bottle　filled　with　distilled　water　carefully

wrapped　in　cotton　and　packed　in　a　box。　　After　several　other

experiments　I　stated　that　I　wished　to　measure　the　rapidity　with

which　an　odour　would　diffuse　itself　through　the　air；　and　asked

those　present　to　raise　their　hands　the　moment　they　perceived　the

odour。　。　。　。　　I　took　out　the　bottle　and　poured　the　water　on　the

cotton；　turning　my　head　away　during　the　operation；　then　took　up　a

stop…watch　and　awaited　the　result。　。　。　。　　I　explained　that　I　was

absolutely　sure　that　no　one　present　had　ever　smelt　the　odour　of

the　chemical　composition　I　had　spilt。　。　。　。　　At　the　end　of

fifteen　seconds　the　majority　of　those　in　front　had　held　up　their

hands；　and　in　forty　seconds　the　odour　had　reached　the　back　of　the

hall　by　fairly　regular　waves。　　About　three…quarters　of　those

present　declared　that　they　perceived　the　odour。　　A　larger　number

would　doubtless　have　succumbed　to　suggestion；　if　at　the　end　of　a

minute　I　had　not　been　forced　to　stop　the　experiment；　some　of

those　in　the　front　rows　being　unpleasantly　affected　by　the　odour；

and　wishing　to　leave　the　hall。''







According　to　the　suggestions　of　the　leaders；　the　multitude　will

be　calm；　furious；　criminal；　or　heroic。　　These　various　suggestions

may　sometimes　appear　to　present　a　rational　aspect；　but　they　will

only　appear　to　be　reasonable。　　A　crowd　is　in　reality　inaccessible

to　reason；　the　only　ideas　capable　of　influencing　it　will　always

be　sentiments　evoked　in　the　form　of　images。



The　history　of　the　Revolution　shows　on　every　page　how　easily　the

multitude　follows　the　most　contradictory　impulses　given　by

its　different　leaders。　　We　see　it　applaud　just　as　vigorously　at

the　triumph　of　the　Girondists；　the　Hebertists；　the　Dantonists；

and　the　Terrorists　as　at　their　successive　downfalls。　　One　may　be

quite　sure；　also；　that　the　crowd　understood　nothing　of　these

events。



At　a　distance　one　can　only　confusedly　perceive　the　part　played　by

the　leaders；　for　they　commonly　work　in　the　shade。　　To　grasp　this

clearly　we　must　study　them　in　contemporary　events。　　We　shall　then

see　how　readily　the　leader　can　provoke　the　most　violent　popular

movements。　　We　are　not　thinking　here　of　the　strikes　of　the

postmen　or　railway　men；　in　which　the　discontent　of　the　employees

might　intervene；　but　of　events　in　which　the　crowd　was　not　in　the

least　interested。　　Such；　for　example；　was　the　popular　rising

provoked　by　a　few　Socialist　leaders　amidst　the　Parisian　populace

on　the　morrow　of　the　execution　of　Ferrer；　in　Spain。　　The　French

crowd　had　never　heard　of　Ferrer。　　In　Spain　his　execution　was

almost　unnoticed。　　In　Paris　the　incitements　of　a　few　leaders

sufficed　to　hurl　a　regular　popular　army　upon　the　Spanish　Embassy；

with　the　intention　of　burning　it。　　Part　of　the　garrison　had　to　be

employed　to　protect　it。　　Energetically　repulsed；　the　assailants

contented　themselves　with　sacking　a　few　shops　and　building　some

barricades。



At　the　same　time；　the　leaders　gave　another　proof　of　their

influence。　　Finally　understanding　that　the　burning　of　a　foreign

embassy　might　be　extremely　dangerous；　they　ordered　a　pacific

demonstration　for　the　following　day；　and　were　as　faithfully

obeyed　as　if　they　had　ordered　the　most　violent　riot。　　No

example　could　better　show　the　importance　of　leaders　and　the

submission　of　the　crowd



The　historians　who；　from　Michelet　to　M。　Aulard；　have　represented

the　revolutionary　crowd　as　having　acted　on　its　own　initiative；

without　leaders；　do　not　comprehend　its　psychology。







CHAPTER　V



THE　PSYCHOLOGY　OF　THE　REVOLUTIONARY　ASSEMBLIES



1。　　Psychological　Characteristics　of　the　great　Revolutionary

Assemblies。



A　great　political　assembly；　a　parliament　for　example；　is　a　crowd；

but　a　crowd　which　sometimes　fails　in　effectual　action　on　account

of　the　contrary　sentiments　of　the　hostile　groups　composing　it。



The　presence　of　these　groups；　actuated　by　different　interests；

must　make　us　consider　an　assembly　as　formed　of　superimposed　and

heterogeneous　crowds；　each　obeying　its　particular　leaders。　　The

law　of　the　mental　unity　of　crowds　is　manifested　only　in　each

group；　and　it　is　only　as　a　result　of　exceptional　circumstances

that　the　different　groups　act　with　a　single　intention。



Each　group　in　an　assembly　represents　a　single　being。　　The

individuals　contributing　to　the　formation　of　this　being　are　no

longer　themselves；　and　will　unhesitatingly　vote　against　their

convictions　and　their　wishes。　　On　the　eve　of　the　day　when　Louis

XVI。　was　to　be　condemned　Vergniaud　protested　with　indignation

against　the　suggestion　that　he　should　vote　for　his　death；　but　he

did　so　vote　on　the　following　day。



The　action　of　a　group　consists　chiefly　in　fortifying　hesitating

opinions。　　All　feeble　individual　convictions　become　confirmed

upon　becoming　collective。



Leaders　of　great　repute　or　unusual　violence　can　sometimes；　by

acting　on　all　the　groups　of　an　assembly；　make　them　a　single

crowd。　　The　majority　of　the　members　of　the　Convention　enacted

measures　entirely　contrary　to　their　opinions　under　the　influence

of　a　very　small　number　of　such　leaders。



Collectivities　have　always　given　way　before　active　sectaries。　

The　history　of　the　revolutionary　Assemblies　shows　how

pusillanimous　they　were；　despite　the　boldness　of　their　language

respecting　kings；　before　the　leaders　of　the　popular　riots。　　The

invasion　of　a　band　of　energumens　commanded　by　an　imperious　leader

was　enough　to　make　them　vote　then　and　there　the　most　absurd　and

contradictory　measures。



An　assembly；　having　the　characteristics　of　a　crowd；　will；　like　a

crowd；　be　extreme　in　its　sentiments。　　Excessive　in　its　violence；

it　will　be　excessive　in　its　cowardice。　　In　general　it　will　be

insolent　to　the　weak　and　servile　before　the　strong。



We　remember　the　fearful　humility　of　the　Parliament　when　the

youthful　Louis　XIV。　entered；　whip　in　hand；　to　pronounce　his　brief

speech。　　We　know　with　what　increasing　impertinence　the

Constituent　Assembly　treated　Louis　XVI。　as　it　felt　that　he　was

becoming　defenceless。　　Finally；　we　recall　the　terror　of　the

Convention　under　the　reign　of　Robespierre。



This　characteristic　of　assemblies　being　a　general　law；　the

convocation　of　an　assembly　by　a　sovereign　when　his　power　is

failing　must　be　regarded　as　a　gross　error　in　psychology。　　The

assembling　of　the　States　General　cost　the　life　of　Louis

XVI。　　It　all　but　lost　Henry　III。　his　throne；　when；　obliged　to

leave　Paris；　he　had　the　unhappy　idea　of　assembling　the　Estates　at

Blois。　　Conscious　of　the　weakness　of　the　king；　the　Estates　at

once　spoke　as　masters　of　the　situation；　modifying　taxes；

dismissing　officials；　and　claiming　that　their　decisions　should

have　the　force　of　law。



This　progressive　exaggeration　of　sentiments　was　plainly

demonstrated　in　all　the　assemblies　of　the　Revolution。　　The

Constituent　Assembly；　at　first　extremely　respectful　toward　the

royal　authority　and　its　prer