the writings-2-第43章

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most　exquisite　farce　ever　enacted。　　I　am　watching　with

considerable　interest　to　ascertain　what　figure　〃the　free…State

Democrats〃　cut　in　the　concern。　　Of　course　they　voted；all

Democrats　do　their　duty；and　of　course　they　did　not　vote　for

slave…State　candidates。　　We　soon　shall　know　how　many　delegates

they　elected；　how　many　candidates　they　had　pledged　to　a　free

State；　and　how　many　votes　were　cast　for　them。



Allow　me　to　barely　whisper　my　suspicion　that　there　were　no　such

things　in　Kansas　as　〃free…State　Democrats〃that　they　were

altogether　mythical；　good　only　to　figure　in　newspapers　and

speeches　in　the　free　States。　　If　there　should　prove　to　be　one

real　living　free…State　Democrat　in　Kansas；　I　suggest　that　it

might　be　well　to　catch　him；　and　stuff　and　preserve　his　skin　as　an

interesting　specimen　of　that　soon…to…be　extinct　variety　of　the

genus　Democrat。



And　now　as　to　the　Dred　Scott　decision。　　That　decision　declares

two　propositionsfirst；　that　a　negro　cannot　sue　in　the　United

States　courts；　and　secondly；　that　Congress　cannot　prohibit

slavery　in　the　Territories。　　It　was　made　by　a　divided　court

dividing　differently　on　the　different　points。　　Judge　Douglas　does

not　discuss　the　merits　of　the　decision；　and　in　that　respect　I

shall　follow　his　example；　believing　I　could　no　more　improve　on

McLean　and　Curtis　than　he　could　on　Taney。



He　denounces　all　who　question　the　correctness　of　that　decision；

as　offering　violent　resistance　to　it。　　But　who　resists　it？　　Who

has；　in　spite　of　the　decision；　declared　Dred　Scott　free；　and

resisted　the　authority　of　his　master　over　him？



Judicial　decisions　have　two　usesfirst；　to　absolutely　determine

the　case　decided；　and　secondly；　to　indicate　to　the　public　how

other　similar　cases　will　be　decided　when　they　arise。　　For　the

latter　use；　they　are　called　〃precedents〃　and　〃authorities。〃



We　believe　as　much　as　Judge　Douglas　（perhaps　more）　in　obedience

to；　and　respect　for；　the　judicial　department　of　government。　　We

think　its　decisions　on　constitutional　questions；　when　fully

settled；　should　control　not　only　the　particular　cases　decided；

but　the　general　policy　of　the　country；　subject　to　be　disturbed

only　by　amendments　of　the　Constitution　as　provided　in　that

instrument　itself。　　More　than　this　would　be　revolution。　　But　we

think　the　Dred　Scott　decision　is　erroneous。　　We　know　the　court

that　made　it　has　often　overruled　its　own　decisions；　and　we　shall

do　what　we　can　to　have　it　to　overrule　this。　　We　offer　no

resistance　to　it。



Judicial　decisions　are　of　greater　or　less　authority　as　precedents

according　to　circumstances。　　That　this　should　be　so　accords　both

with　common　sense　and　the　customary　understanding　of　the　legal

profession。



If　this　important　decision　had　been　made　by　the　unanimous

concurrence　of　the　judges；　and　without　any　apparent　partisan

bias；　and　in　accordance　with　legal　public　expectation　and　with

the　steady　practice　of　the　departments　throughout　our　history；

and　had　been　in　no　part　based　on　assumed　historical　facts　which

are　not　really　true；　or；　if　wanting　in　some　of　these；　it　had　been

before　the　court　more　than　once；　and　had　there　been　affirmed　and

reaffirmed　through　a　course　of　years；　it　then　might　be；　perhaps

would　be；　factious；　nay；　even　revolutionary；　not　to　acquiesce　in

it　as　a　precedent。



But　when；　as　is　true；　we　find　it　wanting　in　all　these　claims　to

the　public　confidence；　it　is　not　resistance；　it　is　not　factious；

it　is　not　even　disrespectful；　to　treat　it　as　not　having　yet　quite

established　a　settled　doctrine　for　the　country。　　But　Judge

Douglas　considers　this　view　awful。　　Hear　him：



〃The　courts　are　the　tribunals　prescribed　by　the　Constitution　and

created　by　the　authority　of　the　people　to　determine；　expound；　and

enforce　the　law。　　Hence；　whoever　resists　the　final　decision　of

the　highest　judicial　tribunal　aims　a　deadly　blow　at　our　whole

republican　system　of　governmenta　blow　which；　if　successful；

would　place　all　our　rights　and　liberties　at　the　mercy　of　passion；

anarchy；　and　violence。　　I　repeat；　therefore；　that　if　resistance

to　the　decisions　of　the　Supreme　Court　of　the　United　States；　in　a

matter　like　the　points　decided　in　the　Dred　Scott　case；　clearly

within　their　jurisdiction　as　defined　by　the　Constitution；　shall

be　forced　upon　the　country　as　a　political　issue；　it　will　become　a

distinct　and　naked　issue　between　the　friends　and　enemies　of　the

Constitutionthe　friends　and　the　enemies　of　the　supremacy　of　the

laws。〃



Why；　this　same　Supreme　Court　once　decided　a　national　bank　to　be

constitutional；　but　General　Jackson；　as　President　of　the　United

States；　disregarded　the　decision；　and　vetoed　a　bill　for　a

recharter；　partly　on　constitutional　ground；　declaring　that　each

public　functionary　must　support　the　Constitution　〃as　he

understands　it。〃　But　hear　the　General's　own　words。　　Here　they

are；　taken　from　his　veto　message：



〃It　is　maintained　by　the　advocates　of　the　bank　that　its

constitutionality；　in　all　its　features；　ought　to　be　considered　as

settled　by　precedent；　and　by　the　decision　of　the　Supreme　Court。

To　this　conclusion　I　cannot　assent。　　Mere　precedent　is　a

dangerous　source　of　authority；　and　should　not　be　regarded　as

deciding　questions　of　constitutional　power；　except　where　the

acquiescence　of　the　people　and　the　States　can　be　considered　as

well　settled。　　So　far　from　this　being　the　case　on　this　subject；

an　argument　against　the　bank　might　be　based　on　precedent。　　One

Congress；　in　1791；　decided　in　favor　of　a　bank；　another；　in　1811；

decided　against　it。　　One　Congress；　in　1815；　decided　against　a

bank；　another；　in　1816；　decided　in　its　favor。　　Prior　to　the

present　Congress；　therefore；　the　precedents　drawn　from　that

course　were　equal。　　If　we　resort　to　the　States；　the　expressions

of　legislative；　judicial；　and　executive　opinions　against　the　bank

have　been　probably　to　those　in　its　favor　as　four　to　one。　　There

is　nothing　in　precedent；　therefore；　which；　if　its　authority　were

admitted；　ought　to　weigh　in　favor　of　the　act　before　me。〃



I　drop　the　quotations　merely　to　remark　that　all　there　ever　was　in

the　way　of　precedent　up　to　the　Dred　Scott　decision；　on　the　points

therein　decided；　had　been　against　that　decision。　　But　hear

General　Jackson　further：



〃If　the　opinion　of　the　Supreme　Court　covered　the　whole　ground　of

this　act；　it　ought　not　to　control　the　coordinate　authorities　of

this　government。　　The　Congress；　the　executive；　and　the　courts

must；　each　for　itself；　be　guided　by　its　own　opinion　of　the

Constitution。　　Each　public　officer　who　takes　an　oath　to　support

the　Constitution　swears　that　he　will　support　it　as　he　understands

it；　and　not　as　it　is　understood　by　others。〃



Again　and　again　have　I　heard　Judge　Douglas　denounce　that　bank

decision　and　applaud　General　Jackson　for　disregarding　it。　　It

would　be　interesting　for　him　to　look　over　his　recent　speech；　and

see　how　exactly　his　fierce　philippics　against　us　for　resisting

Supreme　Court　decisions　fall　upon　his　own　head。　　It　will　call　to

mind　a　long　and　fierce　political　war　in　this　country；　upon　an

issue　which；　in　his　own　language；　and；　of　course；　in　his　own

changeless　estimation；　was　a　distinct　issue　between　the　friends

and　the　enemies　of　the　Constitution；〃　and　in　which　war　he　fought

in　the　ranks　of　the　enemies　of　the　Constitution。



I　have　said；　in　substance；　that　the　Dred　Scott　decision　was　in

part　based　on　assumed　historical　facts　which　were　not　really

true；　and　I　ought　not　to　leave　the　subject　without　giving　some

reasons　for　saying　this；　I　therefore　give　an　instance　or　two；

which　I　think　fully　sustain　me。　　Chief　Justice　Taney；　in

delivering　the　opinion　of　the　majority　of　the　court；　insists　at

great　length　that　negroes　were　no　part　of　the　people　who　made；　or

for　whom　was　made；　the　Declaration　of　Independence；　or　the

Constitution　of　the　United　States。



On　the　contrary；　Judge　Curtis；　in　his　dissenting　opinion；　shows

that　in　five　of　the　then　thirteen　Statesto　wit；　New　Hampshire；

Massachusetts；　New　York；　New　Jersey；　and　North　Carolinafree

negroes　were　voters；　and　in　proportion　to　their　numbers　had　the

same　part　in　making　the　Constitution　that　the　white　people　had。

He　shows　this　with　so　much　particularity　as　to　leave　no　doubt　of

its　truth；　and　as　a　sort　of　conclusion　on　that　point；　holds　the

following　language：



〃The　Constitution　was　ordained　and　established　by　the　people　of

the　United　States；　through　the　action；　in　each　State；　of　those

persons　who　were　qualified　by　its　laws　to　act　thereon　in　behalf

of　themselves　and　all　other　citizens　of　the　State。　　In　some　of

the　States；　as　we　have　seen；　colored　persons　were　among　those

qualified　by　law　to　act　on　the　subject。　　These　colored　persons

were　not　only　included　in　the　body　of　'the　people　of　the　United

States'　by　whom　the　Constitution　was　ordained　and　established；

but　in　at　least　five　of　the　States　they　had　the　power　to　act；　and

doubtless　did　act；　by　their　suffrages；　upon　the　question　of　its

adoption。〃



Again；　Chief　Justice　Taney　says：



〃It　is　difficult　at　this　day　to　realize　the　state　of　public

opinion；　in　relation　to　that　unfortunate　race；　which　prevailed　in

the　civilized　and　enlightened　portions　of　the　world　at　the　time

of　the　Declaration　of　Independence；　and　when　the　Constitution　of

the　United　States　was　framed　and　adopted。〃



And　again；　after　quoting　from　the　Declaration；　he　says：



〃The　general　words　above　quoted　would　seem　to　include　the　whole

human　family；　and　if　they　were　used　in　a　similar　instrument　at

this　day；　would　be　so　understood。〃



In　these　the　Chief　Justice　does　not　directly　assert；　but　plainly

assumes　as　a　fact；　that　the　public　estimate　of　the　black　man　is

more　favorable　now　than　it　was　in　the　days　of　the　Revolution。

This　assumption　is　a　mistake。　　In　some　trifling　particulars　the

condition　of　that　race　has　been　ameliorated；　but　as　a　whole；　in

this　country；　the　change　between　then　and　now　is　decidedly　the

other　way；　and　their　ultimate　destiny　has　never　appeared　so

hopeless　as　in　the　last　three　or　four　years。　　In　two　of　the　five

StatesNew　Jersey　and　North　Carolinathat　then　gave　the　free

negro　the　right　of　voting；　the　right　has　since　been　taken　away；

and　in　a　thirdNew　Yorkit　has　been　greatly　abridged；　while　it

has　not　been　extended；　so　far　as　I　know；　to　a　single　additional

State；　though　the　number　of　the　States　has　more　than　doubled。　　In

those　days；　as　I　understand；　masters　could；　at　their　own

pleasure；　emancipate　their　slaves；　but　since　then　such　legal

restraints　have　been　made　upon　emancipation　as　to　amount　almost

to　prohibition。　　In　those　days　Legislatures　held　the　unquestioned

power　to　abolish　slavery　in　their　respective　States；　but　now　it

is　becoming　quite　fashionable　for　State　constitutions　to　withhold

that　power　from　the　Legislatures。　　In　those　days；　by　common

consent；　the　spread　of　the　black　man's　bondage　to　the　new

countries　was　prohibited；　but　now　Congress　decides　that　it　will