the writings-5-第46章

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expectation。　　Yet　none　of　the　States　commonly　called　slave　States；

except　Delaware；　gave　a　regiment　through　regular　State　organization。

A　few　regiments　have　been　organized　within　some　others　of　those

States　by　individual　enterprise；　and　received　into　the　government

service。　　Of　course　the　seceded　States；　so　called　（and　to　which　Texas

had　been　joined　about　the　time　of　the　inauguration）；　gave　no　troops

to　the　cause　of　the　Union。



The　border　States；　so　called；　were　not　uniform　in　their　action；　some

of　them　being　almost　for　the　Union；　while　in　othersas　Virginia；

North　Carolina；　Tennessee；　and　Arkansasthe　Union　sentiment　was

nearly　repressed　and　silenced。　　The　course　taken　in　Virginia　was　the

most　remarkableperhaps　the　most　important。　　A　convention　elected　by

the　people　of　that　State　to　consider　this　very　question　of　disrupting

the　Federal　Union　was　in　session　at　the　capital　of　Virginia　when　Fort

Sumter　fell。　　To　this　body　the　people　had　chosen　a　large　majority　of

professed　Union　men。　　Almost　immediately　after　the　fall　of　Sumter；

many　members　of　that　majority　went　over　to　the　original　disunion

minority；　and　with　them　adopted　an　ordinance　for　withdrawing　the

State　from　the　Union。　　Whether　this　change　was　wrought　by　their　great

approval　of　the　assault　upon　Sumter；　or　their　great　resentment　at　the

government's　resistance　to　that　assault；　is　not　definitely　known。

Although　they　submitted　the　ordinance　for　ratification　to　a　vote　of

the　people；　to　be　taken　on　a　day　then　somewhat　more　than　a　month

distant；　the　convention　and　the　Legislature　（which　was　also　in

session　at　the　same　time　and　place）；　with　leading　men　of　the　State

not　members　of　either；　immediately　commenced　acting　as　if　the　State

were　already　out　of　the　Union。　　They　pushed　military　preparations

vigorously　forward　all　over　the　State。　　They　seized　the　United　States

armory　at　Harper's　Ferry；　and　the　navy…yard　at　Gosport；　near　Norfolk。

They　received　perhaps　invitedinto　their　State　large　bodies　of

troops；　with　their　warlike　appointments；　from　the　so…called　seceded

States。　　They　formally　entered　into　a　treaty　of　temporary　alliance

and　co…operation　with　the　so…called　〃Confederate　States；〃　and　sent

members　to　their　congress　at　Montgomery。　　And　finally；　they　permitted

the　insurrectionary　government　to　be　transferred　to　their　capital　at

Richmond。



The　people　of　Virginia　have　thus　allowed　this　giant　insurrection　to

make　its　nest　within　her　borders；　and　this　government　has　no　choice

left　but　to　deal　with　it　where　it　finds　it。　　And　it　has　the　less

regret　as　the　loyal　citizens　have；　in　due　form；　claimed　its

protection。　　Those　loyal　citizens　this　government　is　bound　to

recognize　and　protect；　as　being　Virginia。



In　the　border　States；　so　called；in　fact；　the　middle　States；there

are　those　who　favor　a　policy　which　they　call　〃armed　neutrality〃；　that

is；　an　arming　of　those　States　to　prevent　the　Union　forces　passing　one

way；　or　the　disunion　the　other；　over　their　soil。　　This　would　be

disunion　completed。　　Figuratively　speaking；　it　would　be　the　building

of　an　impassable　wall　along　the　line　of　separationand　yet　not　quite

an　impassable　one；　for　under　the　guise　of　neutrality　it　would　tie　the

hands　of　Union　men　and　freely　pass　supplies　from　among　them　to　the

insurrectionists；　which　it　could　not　do　as　an　open　enemy。　　At　a

stroke　it　would　take　all　the　trouble　off　the　hands　of　secession；

except　only　what　proceeds　from　the　external　blockade。　　It　would　do

for　the　disunionists　that　which；　of　all　things；　they　most　desire

feed　them　well　and　give　them　disunion　without　a　struggle　of　their

own。　　It　recognizes　no　fidelity　to　the　Constitution；　no　obligation　to

maintain　the　Union；　and　while　very　many　who　have　favored　it　are

doubtless　loyal　citizens；　it　is；　nevertheless；　very　injurious　in

effect。



Recurring　to　the　action　of　the　government；　it　may　be　stated　that　at

first　a　call　was　made　for　75；000　militia；　and；　rapidly　following

this；　a　proclamation　was　issued　for　closing　the　ports　of　the

insurrectionary　districts　by　proceedings　in　the　nature　of　blockade。

So　far　all　was　believed　to　be　strictly　legal。　　At　this　point　the

insurrectionists　announced　their　purpose　to　enter　upon　the　practice

of　privateering。



Other　calls　were　made　for　volunteers　to　serve　for　three　years；　unless

sooner　discharged；　and　also　for　large　additions　to　the　regular　army

and　navy。　　These　measures；　whether　strictly　legal　or　not；　were

ventured　upon；　under　what　appeared　to　be　a　popular　demand　and　a

public　necessity；　trusting　then；　as　now；　that　Congress　would　readily

ratify　them。　　It　is　believed　that　nothing　has　been　done　beyond　the

constitutional　competency　of　Congress。



Soon　after　the　first　call　for　militia；　it　was　considered　a　duty　to

authorize　the　commanding　general　in　proper　cases；　according　to　his

discretion；　to　suspend　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus；

or；　in　other　words；　to　arrest　and　detain；　without　resort　to　the

ordinary　processes　and　forms　of　law；　such　individuals　as　he　might

deem　dangerous　to　the　public　safety。　　This　authority　has　purposely

been　exercised　but　very　sparingly。　　Nevertheless；　the　legality　and

propriety　of　what　has　been　done　under　it　are　questioned；　and　the

attention　of　the　country　has　been　called　to　the　proposition　that　one

who　has　sworn　to　〃take　care　that　the　laws　be　faithfully　executed〃

should　not　himself　violate　them。　　Of　course　some　consideration　was

given　to　the　questions　of　power　and　propriety　before　this　matter　was

acted　upon。　　The　whole　of　the　laws　which　were　required　to　be

faithfully　executed　were　being　resisted　and　failing　of　execution　in

nearly　one　third　of　the　States。　　Must　they　be　allowed　to　finally　fail

of　execution；　even　had　it　been　perfectly　clear　that　by　the　use　of　the

means　necessary　to　their　execution　some　single　law；　made　in　such

extreme　tenderness　of　the　citizen's　liberty　that；　practically；　it

relieves　more　of　the　guilty　than　of　the　innocent；　should　to　a　very

limited　extent　be　violated？　To　state　the　question　more　directly；　are

all　the　laws　but　one　to　go　unexecuted；　and　the　government　itself　go

to　pieces　lest　that　one　be　violated？　Even　in　such　a　case；　would　not

the　official　oath　be　broken　if　the　government　should　be　overthrown

when　it　was　believed　that　disregarding　the　single　law　would　tend　to

preserve　it？　But　it　was　not　believed　that　this　question　was

presented。　　It　was　not　believed　that　any　law　was　violated。　　The

provision　of　the　Constitution　that　〃the　privilege　of　the　writ　of

habeas　corpus　shall　not　be　suspended；　unless　when；　in　cases　of

rebellion　or　invasion；　the　public　safety　may　require　it；〃　is

equivalent　to　a　provisionis　a　provisionthat　such　privilege　may　be

suspended　when；　in　case　of　rebellion　or　invasion；　the　public　safety

does　require　it。　　It　was　decided　that　we　have　a　case　of　rebellion；

and　that　the　public　safety　does　require　the　qualified　suspension　of

the　privilege　of　the　writ　which　was　authorized　to　be　made。　　Now　it　is

insisted　that　Congress；　and　not　the　executive；　is　vested　with　this

power。　　But　the　Constitution　itself　is　silent　as　to　which　or　who　is

to　exercise　the　power；　and　as　the　provision　was　plainly　made　for　a

dangerous　emergency；　it　cannot　be　believed　the　framers　of　the

instrument　intended　that　in　every　case　the　danger　should　run　its

course　until　Congress　could　be　called　together；　the　very　assembling

of　which　might　be　prevented；　as　was　intended　in　this　case；　by　the

rebellion。



No　more　extended　argument　is　now　offered；　as　an　opinion　at　some

length　will　probably　be　presented　by　the　attorney…general。　　Whether

there　shall　be　any　legislation　upon　the　subject；　and　if　any；　what；　is

submitted　entirely　to　the　better　judgment　of　Congress。



The　forbearance　of　this　government　had　been　so　extraordinary　and　so

long　continued　as　to　lead　some　foreign　nations　to　shape　their　action

as　if　they　supposed　the　early　destruction　of　our　national　Union　was

probable。　　While　this；　on　discovery；　gave　the　executive　some　concern；

he　is　now　happy　to　say　that　the　sovereignty　and　rights　of　the　United

States　are　now　everywhere　practically　respected　by　foreign　powers；

and　a　general　sympathy　with　the　country　is　manifested　throughout　the

world。



The　reports　of　the　Secretaries　of　the　Treasury；　War；　and　the　Navy

will　give　the　information　in　detail　deemed　necessary　and　convenient

for　your　deliberation　and　action；　while　the　executive　and　all　the

departments　will　stand　ready　to　supply　omissions；　or　to　communicate

new　facts　considered　important　for　you　to　know。



It　is　now　recommended　that　you　give　the　legal　means　for　making　this

contest　a　short　and　decisive　one：　that　you　place　at　the　control　of

the　government　for　the　work　at　least　four　hundred　thousand　men　and

400；000；000。　　That　number　of　men　is　about　one…tenth　of　those　of

proper　ages　within　the　regions　where；　apparently；　all　are　willing　to

engage；　and　the　sum　is　less　than　a　twenty…third　part　of　the　money

value　owned　by　the　men　who　seem　ready　to　devote　the　whole。　　A　debt　of

6oo；ooo；ooo　now　is　a　less　sum　per　head　than　was　the　debt　of　our

Revolution　when　we　came　out　of　that　struggle；　and　the　money　value　in

the　country　now　bears　even　a　greater　proportion　to　what　it　was　then

than　does　the　population。　　Surely　each　man　has　as　strong　a　motive　now

to　preserve　our　liberties　as　each　had　then　to　establish　them。



A　right　result　at　this　time　will　be　worth　more　to　the　world　than　ten

times　the　men　and　ten　times　the　money。　　The　evidence　reaching　us　from

the　country　leaves　no　doubt　that　the　material　for　the　work　is

abundant；　and　that　it　needs　only　the　hand　of　legislation　to　give　it

legal　sanction；　and　the　hand　of　the　executive　to　give　it　practical

shape　and　efficiency。　　One　of　the　greatest　perplexities　of　the

government　is　to　avoid　receiving　troops　faster　than　it　can　provide

for　them。　　In　a　word；　the　people　will　save　their　government　if　the

government　itself　will　do　its　part　only　indifferently　well。



It　might　seem；　at　first　thought；　to　be　of　little　difference　whether

the　present　movement　at　the　South　be　called　〃secession〃　or

〃rebellion。〃　The　movers；　however；　well　understand　the　difference。　　At

the　beginning　they　knew　they　could　never　raise　their　treason　to　any

respectable　magnitude　by　any　name　which　implies　violation　of　law。

They　knew　their　people　possessed　as　much　of　moral　sense；　as　much　of

devotion　to　law　and　order；　and　as　much　pride　in　and　reverence　for　the

history　and　government　of　their　common　country　as　any　other　civilized

and　patriotic　people。　　They　knew　they　could　make　no　advancement

directly　in　the　teeth　of　these　strong　and　noble　sentiments。

Accordingly；　they　commenced　by　an　insidious　debauching　of　the　public

mind。　　They　invented　an　ingenious　sophism　which；　if　conceded；　was

followed　by　perfectly　logical　steps；　through　all　the　incidents；　to

the　complete　destruction　of　the　Union。　　The　sophism　itself　is　that

any　State　of　the　Union　may　consistently　with　the　national

Constit