the writings-5-第43章

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ABRAHAM　LINCOLN。



By　the　President：

WILLIAM　H。　SEWARD；　Secretary　of　State。









TO　SECRETARY　WELLES。



EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　May　11；　1861



TO　THE　SECRETARY　OF　THE　NAVY。



SIR：…Lieut。　　D。　D。　Porter　was　placed　in　command　of　the　steamer

Powhatan；　and　Captain　Samuel　Mercer　was　detached　therefrom；　by　my

special　order；　and　neither　of　them　is　responsible　for　any　apparent　or

real　irregularity　on　their　part　or　in　connection　with　that　vessel。



Hereafter　Captain　Porter　is　relieved　from　that　special　service　and

placed　under　the　direction　of　the　Navy　Department；　from　which　he　will

receive　instructions　and　to　which　he　will　report。



Very　respectfully；

ABRAHAM　LINCOLN。









PRESIDENT　LINCOLN'S　CORRECTIONS　OF　A　DIPLOMATIC　DESPATCH　WRITTEN　BY

THE　SECRETARY　OF　STATE　TO　MINISTER　ADAMS



NO。　10。



DEPARTMENT　OF　STATE。

WASHINGTON；　May　21；　1861



SIR：…Mr。　Dallas；　in　a　brief　despatch　of　May　2d　（No。　333）；　tells　us

that　Lord　John　Russell　recently　requested　an　interview　with　him　on

account　of　the　solicitude　which　his　lordship　felt　concerning　the

effect　of　certain　measures　represented　as　likely　to　be　adopted　by　the

President。　　In　that　conversation　the　British　secretary　told　Mr。

Dallas　that　the　three　representatives　of　the　Southern　Confederacy

were　then　in　London；　that　Lord　John　Russell　had　not　yet　seen　them；

but　that　he　was　not　unwilling　to　see　them　unofficially。　　He　further

informed　Mr。　Dallas　that　an　understanding　exists　between　the　British

and　French　governments　which　would　lead　both　to　take　one　and　the　same

course　as　to　recognition。　　His　lordship　then　referred　to　the　rumor　of

a　meditated　blockade　by　us　of　Southern　ports；　and　a　discontinuance　of


them　as　ports　of　entry。　　Mr。　Dallas　answered　that　he　knew　nothing　on

those　topics；　and　therefore



　　　　　（The　President's　corrections；　both　in　notes　and　text；　are　in

　　　　　caps。　All　matter　between　brackets　was　to　be　marked　out。）



could　say　nothing。　　He　added　that　you　were　expected　to　arrive　in　two

weeks。　　Upon　this　statement　Lord　John　Russell　acquiesced　in　the

expediency　of　waiting　for　the　full　knowledge　you　were　expected　to

bring。



Mr。　Dallas　transmitted　to　us　some　newspaper　reports　of　ministerial

explanations　made　in　Parliament。



You　will　base　no　proceedings　on　parliamentary　debates　further　than　to

seek　explanations　when　necessary　and　communicate　them　to　this

department。　＇We　intend　to　have　a　clear　and　simple　record　of　whatever

issue　may　arise　between　us　and　Great　Britain。＇



The　President　＇is　surprised　and　grieved＇　regrets　that　Mr。　Dallas　did

not　protest　against　the　proposed　unofficial　intercourse　between　the

British　Government　and　the　missionaries　of　the　insurgents　＇as　well　as

against　the　demand　for　explanations　made　by　the　British　Government＇。

It　is　due；　however；　to　Mr。　Dallas　to　say　that　our　instructions　had

been　given　only　to　you　and　not　to　him；　and　that　his　loyalty　and

fidelity；　too　rare　in　these　times　＇among　our　late　representatives

abroad；　are　confessed　and＇　　are　appreciated。



Intercourse　of　any　kind　with　the　so…called　commissioners　is　liable　to

be　construed　as　a　recognition　of　the　authority　which　appointed　them。

Such　intercourse　would　be　none　the　less　＇wrongful＇　hurtful　to　us　for

being　called　unofficial；　and　it　might　be　even　more　injurious；　because

we　should　have　no　means　of　knowing　what　points　might　be　resolved　by

it。　　Moreover；　unofficial　intercourse　is　useless　and　meaningless　if

it　is　not　expected　to　ripen　into　official　intercourse　and　direct

recognition。　　It　is　left　doubtful　here　whether　the　proposed

unofficial　intercourse　has　yet　actually　begun。　Your　own　＇present＇

antecedent　instructions　are　deemed　explicit　enough；　and　it　is　hoped

that　you　have　not　misunderstood　them。　　You　will　in　any　event　desist

from　all　intercourse　whatever；　unofficial　as　well　as　official；　with

the　British　Government；　so　long　as　it　shall　continue　intercourse　of

either　kind　with　the　domestic　enemies　of　this　country　＇confining

yourself　to　a　delivery　of　a　copy　of　this　paper　to　the　Secretary　of

State。　After　doing　this。＇　　When　intercourse　shall　have　been　arrested

for　this　cause；　you　will　communicate　with　this　department　and　receive

further　directions。



Lord　John　Russell　has　informed　us　of　an　understanding　between　the

British　and　French　governments　that　they　will　act　together　in　regard

to　our　affairs。　　This　communication；　however；　loses　something　of　its

value　from　the　circumstance　that　the　communication　was　withheld　until

after　knowledge　of　the　fact　had　been　acquired　by　us　from　other

sources。　　We　know　also　another　fact　that　has　not　yet　been　officially

communicated　to　usnamely；　that　other　European　States　are　apprised

by　France　and　England　of　their　agreement；　and　are　expected　to　concur

with　or　follow　them　in　whatever　measures　they　adopt　on　the　subject　of

recognition。　The　United　States　have　been　impartial　and　just　in　all

their　conduct　toward　the　several　nations　of　Europe。　　They　will　not

complain；　however；　of　the　combination　now　announced　by　the　two

leading　powers；　although　they　think　they　had　a　right　to　expect　a　more

independent；　if　not　a　more　friendly；　course　from　each　of　them。　　You

will　take　no　notice　of　that　or　any　other　alliance。　　Whenever　the

European　governments　shall　see　fit　to　communicate　directly　with　us；

we　shall　be；　as　heretofore；　frank　and　explicit　in　our　reply。



As　to　the　blockade；　you　will　say　that　by　＇the＇　our　own　laws　＇of

nature＇　and　the　laws　of　nature　and　the　laws　of　nations；　this

Government　has　a　clear　right　to　suppress　insurrection。　　An　exclusion

of　commerce　from　national　ports　which　have　been　seized　by　the

insurgents；　in　the　equitable　form　of　blockade；　is　the　proper　means　to

that　end。　　You　will　＇admit＇　not　insist　that　our　blockade　is　＇not＇　to

be　respected　if　it　be　not　maintained　by　a　competent　force；　but

passing　by　that　question　as　not　now　a　practical；　or　at　least　an

urgent；　one；　you　will　add　that　＇it＇　the　blockade　is　now；　and　it　will

continue　to　be　so　maintained；　and　therefore　we　expect　it　to　be

respected　by　Great　Britain。　　You　will　add　that　we　have　already

revoked　the　exequatur　of　a　Russian　consul　who　had　enlisted　in　the

military　service　of　the　insurgents；　and　we　shall　dismiss　or　demand

the　recall　of　every　foreign　agent；　consular　or　diplomatic；　who　shall

either　disobey　the　Federal　laws　or　disown　the　Federal　authority。



As　to　the　recognition　of　the　so…called　Southern　Confederacy；　it　is

not　to　be　made　a　subject　of　technical　definition。　　It　is；　of　course；

＇quasi　direct　recognition　to　publish　an　acknowledgment　of　the

sovereignty　and　independence　of　a　new　power。　It　is　＇quasi＇　direct

recognition　to　receive　its　ambassadors；　ministers；　agents；　or

commissioners　officially。　　A　concession　of　belligerent　rights　is

liable　to　be　construed　as　a　recognition　of　them。　　No　one　of　these

proceedings　will　＇be　borne＇　pass　＇unnoticed＇　unquestioned　by　the

United　States　in　this　case。



Hitherto　recognition　has　been　moved　only　on　the　assumption　that　the

so…called　Confederate　States　are　de　facto　a　self…sustaining　power。

Now；　after　long　forbearance；　designed　to　soothe　discontent　and　avert

the　need　of　civil　war；　the　land　and　naval　forces　of　the　United　States

have　been　put　in　motion　to　repress　the　insurrection。　　The　true

character　of　the　pretended　new　State　is　at　once　revealed。　　It　is　seen

to　be　a　power　existing　in　pronunciamento　only；　It　has　never　won　a

field。　　It　has　obtained　no　forts　that　were　not　virtually　betrayed

into　its　hands　or　seized　in　breach　of　trust。　　It　commands　not　a

single　port　on　the　coast　nor　any　highway　out　from　its　pretended

capital　by　land。　　Under　these　circumstances　Great　Britain　is　called

upon　to　intervene　and　give　it　body　and　independence　by　resisting　our

measures　of　suppression。　　British　recognition　would　be　British

intervention　to　create　within　our　own　territory　a　hostile　state　by

overthrowing　this　republic　itself。　　＇When　this　act　of　intervention　is

distinctly　performed；　we　from　that　hour　shall　cease　to　be　friends；

and　become　once　more；　as　we　have　twice　before　been　forced　to　be；

enemies　of　Great　Britain。＇



As　to　the　treatment　of　privateers　in　the　insurgent　service；　you　will

say　that　this　is　a　question　exclusively　our　own。　　We　treat　them　as

pirates。　　They　are　our　own　citizens；　or　persons　employed　by　our

citizens；　preying　on　the　commerce　of　our　country。　　If　Great　Britain

shall　choose　to　recognize　them　as　lawful　belligerents；　and　give　them

shelter　from　our　pursuit　and　punishment；　the　laws　of　nations　afford

an　adequate　and　proper　remedy　＇and　we　shall　avail　ourselves　of　it。

And　while　you　need　not　say　this　in　advance；　be　sure　that　you　say

nothing　inconsistent　with　it。＇



Happily；　however；　her　Britannic　Majesty's　government　can　avoid　all

these　difficulties。　　It　invited　us　in　1856　to　accede　to　the

declaration　of　the　Congress　of　Paris；　of　which　body　Great　Britain　was

herself　a　member；　abolishing　privateering　everywhere　in　all　cases　and

forever。　　You　already　have　our　authority　to　propose　to　her　our

accession　to　that　declaration。　　If　she　refuse　to　receive　it；　it　can

only　be　because　she　is　willing　to　become　the　patron　of　privateering

when　aimed　at　our　devastation。



These　positions　are　not　elaborately　defended　now；　because　to

vindicate　them　would　imply　a　possibility　of　our　waiving　them。





1　We　are　not　insensible　of　the　grave　importance　of



1（Drop　all　from　this　line　to　the　end；　and　in　lieu　of　it　write；　〃This

paper　is　for　your　own　guidance　only；　and　not　＇sic＇　to　be　read　or

shown　to　any　one。）



（Secretary　Seward；　when　the　despatch　was　returned　to　him；　added　an

introductory　paragraph　stating　that　the　document　was　strictly

confidential。　For　this　reason　these　last　two　paragraphs　remained　as

they　are　here　printed。）



this　occasion。　We　see　how；　upon　the　result　of　the　debate　in　which　we

are　engaged；　a　war　may　ensue　between　the　United　States　and　one；　two；

or　even　more　European　nations。　　War　in　any　case　is　as　exceptionable

from　the　habits　as　it　is　revolting　from　the　sentiments　of　the

American　people。　But　if　it　come；　it　will　be　fully　seen　that　it

results　from　the　action　of　Great　Britain；　not　our　own；　that　Great

Britain　will　have　decided　to　fraternize　with　our　domestic　enemy；

either　without　waiting　to　hear　from　you　our　remonstrances　and　our

warnings；　or　after　having　heard　them。　　War　in　defense　of　national

life　is　not　immoral；　and　war　in　defense　of　independence　is　an

inevitable　part　of　the　discipline　of　nations。



The　dispute　will　be　between　the　European　and　the　American　branches　of

the　British　race。　　All　who　belong　to　that　race　will　especially

deprecate　it；　as　they　ought。　　It　may　well　be　believed　that　men　of

every　race　and　kindred　will　deplore　it。　　A　war　not　unlike　it　between

the　same　parties　occurred　at　the　close　of　the　last　century。　　Europe

atoned　by　forty　years　of　suffering　for　the　error　that　Great　Britain

committed　in　provoking　that　contest。　　If　tha