the writings-5-第26章

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have　not　struck　work；　neither　those　where　they　make　anything　for

coats；　nor　for　pants　nor　for　shirts；　nor　for　ladies'　dresses。　　Mr。

Mason　has　not　reached　the　manufacturers　who　ought　to　have　made　him　a

coat　and　pants！　To　make　his　proof　good　for　anything　he　should　have

come　into　the　Senate　barefoot！



Another　bushwhacking　contrivance；　simply　that；　nothing　else！　I　find　a

good　many　people　who　are　very　much　concerned　about　the　loss　of

Southern　trade。　　Now　either　these　people　are　sincere　or　they　are　not。

I　will　speculate　a　little　about　that。　　　If　they　are　sincere；　and　are

moved　by　any　real　danger　of　the　loss　of　Southern　trade；　they　will

simply　get　their　names　on　the　white　list；　and　then；　instead　of

persuading　Republicans　to　do　likewise；　they　will　be　glad　to　keep　you

away！　Don't　you　see　that　they　cut　off　competition？　They　would　not　be

whispering　around　to　Republicans　to　come　in　and　share　the　profits

with　them。　　But　if　they　are　not　sincere；　and　are　merely　trying　to

fool　Republicans　out　of　their　votes；　they　will　grow　very　anxious

about　your　pecuniary　prospects；　they　are　afraid　you　are　going　to　get

broken　up　and　ruined；　they　do　not　care　about　Democratic　votes；　oh；

no；　no；　no！　You　must　judge　which　class　those　belong　to　whom　you　meet：

I　leave　it　to　you　to　determine　from　the　facts。



Let　us　notice　some　more　of　the　stale　charges　against　Republicans。

You　say　we　are　sectional。　　We　deny　it。　　That　makes　an　issue；　and　the

burden　of　proof　is　upon　you。　　You　produce　your　proof；　and　what　is　it？

Why；　that　our　party　has　no　existence　in　your　sectiongets　no　votes

in　your　section。　　The　fact　is　substantially　true；　but　does　it　prove

the　issue？　If　it　does；　then　in　case　we　should；　without　change　of

principle；　begin　to　get　votes　in　your　section；　we　should　thereby

cease　to　be　sectional。　　You　cannot　escape　this　conclusion；　and　yet；

are　you　willing　to　abide　by　it？　If　you　are；　you　will　probably　soon

find　that　we　have　ceased　to　be　sectional；　for　we　shall　get　votes　in

your　section　this　very　year。　　The　fact　that　we　get　no　votes　in　your

section　is　a　fact　of　your　making　and　not　of　ours。　　And　if　there　be

fault　in　that　fact；　that　fault　is　primarily　yours；　and　remains　so

until　you　show　that　we　repel　you　by　some　wrong　principle　or　practice。

　If　we　do　repel　you　by　any　wrong　principle　or　practice；　the　fault　is

ours；　but　this　brings　you　to　where　you　ought　to　have　startedto　a

discussion　of　the　right　or　wrong　of　our　principle。　　If　our　principle；

put　in　practice；　would　wrong　your　section　for　the　benefit　of　ours；　or

for　any　other　object；　then　our　principle；　and　we　with　it；　are

sectional；　and　are　justly　opposed　and　denounced　as　such。　　Meet　us；

then；　on　the　question　of　whether　our　principle　put　in　practice　would

wrong　your　section；　and　so　meet　it　as　if　it　were　possible　that

something　may　be　said　on　our　side。　　Do　you　accept　the　challenge？　No？

Then　you　really　believe　that　the　principle　which　our　fathers　who

framed　the　Government　under　which　we　live　thought　so　clearly　right　as

to　adopt　it；　and　indorse　it　again　and　again；　upon　their　official

oaths；　is　in　fact　so　clearly　wrong　as　to　demand　our　condemnation

without　a　moment's　consideration。　　Some　of　you　delight　to　flaunt　in

our　faces　the　warning　against　sectional　parties　given　by　Washington

in　his　Farewell　Address。　　Less　than　eight　years　before　Washington

gave　that　warning；　he　had；　as　President　of　the　United　States；

approved　and　signed　an　act　of　Congress　enforcing　the　prohibition　of

slavery　in　the　Northwestern　Territory；　which　act　embodied　the　policy

of　government　upon　that　subject；　up　to　and　at　the　very　moment　he

penned　that　warning；　and　about　one　year　after　he　penned　it　he　wrote

La　Fayette　that　he　considered　that　prohibition　a　wise　measure；

expressing　in　the　same　connection　his　hope　that　we　should　sometime

have　a　confederacy　of　free　States。



Bearing　this　in　mind；　and　seeing　that　sectionalism　has　since　arisen

upon　this　same　subject；　is　that　warning　a　weapon　in　your　hands

against　us；　or　in　our　hands　against　you？　　Could　Washington　himself

speak；　would　he　cast　the　blame　of　that　sectionalism　upon　us；　who

sustain　his　policy；　or　upon　you；　who　repudiate　it？　We　respect　that

warning　of　Washington；　and　we　commend　it　to　you；　together　with　his

example　pointing　to　the　right　application　of　it。



But　you　say　you　are　conservativeeminently　conservativewhile　we

are　revolutionary；　destructive；　or　something　of　the　sort。　　What　is

conservatism？　Is　it　not　adherence　to　the　old　and　tried；　against　the

new　and　untried？　We　stick　to；　contend　for；　the　identical　old　policy

on　the　point　in　controversy　which　was　adopted　by　our　fathers　who

framed　the　Government　under　which　we　live；　while　you　with　one　accord

reject　and　scout　and　spit　upon　that　old　policy；　and　insist　upon

substituting　something　new。



True；　you　disagree　among　yourselves　as　to　what　that　substitute　shall

be。　　You　have　considerable　variety　of　new　propositions　and　plans；　but

you　are　unanimous　in　rejecting　and　denouncing　the　old　policy　of　the

fathers。　　Some　of　you　are　for　reviving　the　foreign　slave…trade；　some

for　a　congressional　slave　code　for　the　Territories；　some　for　Congress

forbidding　the　Territories　to　prohibit　slavery　within　their　limits；

some　for　maintaining　slavery　in　the　Territories　through　the

judiciary；　some　for　the　〃gur…reat　pur…rinciple〃　that　if　one　man　would

enslave　another；　no　third　man　should　objectfantastically　called

〃popular　sovereignty。〃　But　never　a　man　among　you　in　favor　of

prohibition　of　slavery　in　Federal　Territories；　according　to　the

practice　of　our　fathers　who　framed　the　Government　under　which　we

live。　　Not　one　of　all　your　various　plans　can　show　a　precedent　or　an

advocate　in　the　century　within　which　our　Government　originated。　　　And

yet　you　draw　yourselves　up　and　say；　〃We　are　eminently　conservative。〃



It　is　exceedingly　desirable　that　all　parts　of　this　great　confederacy

shall　be　at　peace；　and　in　harmony　one　with　another。　　Let　us

Republicans　do　our　part　to　have　it　so。　　Even　though　much　provoked；

let　us　do　nothing　through　passion　and　ill…temper。　　Even　though　the

Southern　people　will　not　so　much　as　listen　to　us；　let　us　calmly

consider　their　demands；　and　yield　to　them　if；　in　our　deliberate　view

of　our　duty；　we　possibly　can。　　Judging　by　all　they　say　and　do；　and　by

the　subject　and　nature　of　their　controversy　with　us；　let　us

determine；　if　we　can；　what　will　satisfy　them。



Will　they　be　satisfied　if　the　Territories　be　unconditionally

surrendered　to　them？　We　know　they　will　not。　　In　all　their　present

complaints　against　us；　the　Territories　are　scarcely　mentioned。

Invasions　and　insurrections　are　the　rage　now。　　Will　it　satisfy　them；

in　the　future；　if　we　have　nothing　to　do　with　invasions　and

insurrections？　We　know　it　will　not。　　We　so　know　because　we　know　we

never　had　anything　to　do　with　invasions　and　insurrections；　and　yet

this　total　abstaining　does　not　exempt　us　from　the　charge　and　the

denunciation。



The　question　recurs；　what　will　satisfy　them？　Simply　this：　we　must　not

only　let　them　alone；　but　we　must；　somehow；　convince　them　that　we　do

let　them　alone。　　This；　we　know　by　experience；　is　no　easy　task。　　We

have　been　so　trying　to　convince　them；　from　the　very　beginning　of　our

organization；　but　with　no　success。　　In　all　our　platforms　and

speeches；　we　have　constantly　protested　our　purpose　to　let　them　alone；

but　this　had　no　tendency　to　convince　them。　　Alike　unavailing　to

convince　them　is　the　fact　that　they　have　never　detected　a　man　of　us

in　any　attempt　to　disturb　them。



These　natural　and　apparently　adequate　means　all　failing；　what　will

convince　them？　This；　and　this　only：　cease　to　call　slavery　wrong；　and

join　them　in　calling　it　right。　　And　this　must　be　done　thoroughly

done　in　acts　as　well　as　in　words。　　Silence　will　not　be　toleratedwe

must　place　ourselves　avowedly　with　them。　　Douglas's　new　sedition　law

must　be　enacted　and　enforced；　suppressing　all　declarations　that

slavery　is　wrong；　whether　made　in　politics；　in　presses；　in　pulpits；

or　in　private。　　　We　must　arrest　and　return　their　fugitive　slaves　with

greedy　pleasure。　　We　must　pull　down　our　free　State　constitutions。

The　whole　atmosphere　must　be　disinfected　of　all　taint　of　opposition

to　slavery；　before　they　will　cease　to　believe　that　all　their　troubles

proceed　from　us。　　So　long　as　we　call　slavery　wrong；　whenever　a　slave

runs　away　they　will　overlook　the　obvious　fact　that　be　ran　away

because　he　was　oppressed；　and　declare　he　was　stolen　off。　　Whenever　a

master　cuts　his　slaves　with　a　lash；　and　they　cry　out　under　it；　he

will　overlook　the　obvious　fact　that　the　negroes　cry　out　because　they

are　hurt；　and　insist　that　they　were　put　up　to　it　by　some　rascally

abolitionist。



I　am　quite　aware　that　they　do　not　state　their　case　precisely　in　this

way。　　Most　of　them　would　probably　say　to　us；　〃Let　us　alone；　do

nothing　to　us；　and　say　what　you　please　about　slavery。〃　But　we　do　let

them　alonehave　never　disturbed　themso　that；　after　all；　it　is　what

we　say　which　dissatisfies　them。　　They　will　continue　to　accuse　us　of

doing；　until　we　cease　saying。



I　am　also　aware　that　they　have　not　as　yet　in　terms　demanded　the

overthrow　of　our　free…State　constitutions。　　Yet　those　constitutions

declare　the　wrong　of　slavery　with　more　solemn　emphasis　than　do　all

other　sayings　against　it；　and　when　all　these　other　sayings　shall　have

been　silenced；　the　overthrow　of　these　constitutions　will　be　demanded。

It　is　nothing　to　the　contrary　that　they　do　not　demand　the　whole　of

this　just　now。　　Demanding　what　they　do；　and　for　the　reason　they　do；

they　can　voluntarily　stop　nowhere　short　of　this　consummation。

Holding　as　they　do　that　slavery　is　morally　right；　and　socially

elevating；　they　cannot　cease　to　demand　a　full　national　recognition　of

it；　as　a　legal　right；　and　a　social　blessing。



Nor　can　we　justifiably　withhold　this　on　any　ground　save　our

conviction　that　slavery　is　wrong。　　If　slavery　is　right；　all　words；

acts；　laws；　and　constitutions　against　it　are　themselves　wrong　and

should　be　silenced　and　swept　away。　　If　it　is　right；　we　cannot　justly

object　to　its　nationalityits　universality：　if　it　is　wrong；　they

cannot　justly　insist　upon　its　extensionits　enlargement。　　All　they

ask；　we　could　readily　grant；　if　we　thought　slavery　right；　all　we　ask；

they　could　as　readily　grant；　if　they　thought　it　wrong。　　Their

thinking　it　right　and　our　thinking　it　wrong　is　the　precise　fact　on

which　depends　the　whole　controversy。　　Thinking　it　right　as　they　do；

they　are　not　to　blame　for　desiring　its　full　recognition；　as　being

right；　but；　thinking　it　wrong；　as　we　do；　can　we　yield　to　them？　Can　we

cast　our　votes　with　their　view；　and　against　our　own？　In　view　of　our

moral；　social；　and　political　responsibilities；　can　we　do　this？



Wrong　as　we　think　slavery　is；　we　can　yet　afford　to　let　it　alone　where

it　is　because　that　much　is　due　to　the　necessity　arising　from　its

actual　presence　m　the　nation；　but　can　we；　while　our　votes　will

prevent　it；　allow　it　to　spread　in