the writings-5-第23章

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some　middle　ground　between　the　right　and　the　wrong；　vain　as　the

search　for　a　man　who　should　be　neither　a　living　man　nor　a　dead

man…such　as　a　policy　of　〃don't　care〃　on　a　question　about　which　all

true　men　do　caresuch　as　Union　appeals　beseeching　true　Union　men　to

yield　to　Disunionists；　reversing　the　divine　rule；　and　calling；　not

the　sinners；　but　the　righteous　to　repentancesuch　as　invocations　to

Washington；　imploring　men　to　unsay　what　Washington　said；　and　undo

what　Washington　did。



Neither　let　us　be　slandered　from　our　duty　by　false　accusations

against　us；　nor　frightened　from　it　by　menaces　of　destruction　to　the

Government　nor　of　dungeons　to　ourselves。　LET　US　HAVE　FAITH　THAT　RIGHT

MAKES　MIGHT；　AND　IN　THAT　FAITH　LET　US；　TO　THE　END；　DARE　TO　DO　OUR

DUTY　AS　WE　UNDERSTAND　IT。









SPEECH　AT　NEW　HAVEN；　CONNECTICUT；　MARCH　6；　1860



MR。　PRESIDENT；　AND　FELLOW…CITIZENS　OF　NEW　HAVEN：If　the　Republican

party　of　this　nation　shall　ever　have　the　national　House　entrusted　to

its　keeping；　it　will　be　the　duty　of　that　party　to　attend　to　all　the

affairs　of　national　housekeeping。　　Whatever　matters　of　importance　may

come　up；　whatever　difficulties　may　arise　in　its　way　of　administration

of　the　Government；　that　party　will　then　have　to　attend　to。　　It　will

then　be　compelled　to　attend　to　other　questions；　besides　this　question

which　now　assumes　an　overwhelming　importancethe　question　of

slavery。　　It　is　true　that　in　the　organization　of　the　Republican　party

this　question　of　slavery　was　more　important　than　any　other：　indeed；

so　much　more　important　has　it　become　that　no　more　national　question

can　even　get　a　hearing　just　at　present。　　The　old　question　of　tariff…

…a　matter　that　will　remain　one　of　the　chief　affairs　of　national

house…keeping　to　all　time；　the　question　of　the　management　of

financial　affairs；　the　question　of　the　disposition　of　the　public

domain　how　shall　it　be　managed　for　the　purpose　of　getting　it　well

settled；　and　of　making　there　the　homes　of　a　free　and　happy　people？

these　will　remain　open　and　require　attention　for　a　great　while　yet；

and　these　questions　will　have　to　be　attended　to　by　whatever　party　has

the　control　of　the　Government。　　Yet；　just　now；　they　cannot　even

obtain　a　hearing；　and　I　do　not　propose　to　detain　you　upon　these

topics　or　what　sort　of　hearing　they　should　have　when　opportunity

shall　come。



For；　whether　we　will　or　not；　the　question　of　slavery　is　the　question；

the　all…absorbing　topic　of　the　day。　It　is　true　that　all　of　usand　by

that　I　mean；　not　the　Republican　party　alone；　but　the　whole　American

people；　here　and　elsewhereall　of　us　wish　this　question　settled；

wish　it　out　of　the　way。　It　stands　in　the　way；　and　prevents　the

adjustment；　and　the　giving　of　necessary　attention　to　other　questions

of　national　house…keeping。　The　people　of　the　whole　nation　agree　that

this　question　ought　to　be　settled；　and　yet　it　is　not　settled。　　And

the　reason　is　that　they　are　not　yet　agreed　how　it　shall　be　settled。

All　wish　it　done；　but　some　wish　one　way　and　some　another；　and　some　a

third；　or　fourth；　or　fifth；　different　bodies　are　pulling　in　different

directions；　and　none　of　them；　having　a　decided　majority；　are　able　to

accomplish　the　common　object。



In　the　beginning　of　the　year　1854；　a　new　policy　was　inaugurated　with

the　avowed　object　and　confident　promise　that　it　would　entirely　and

forever　put　an　end　to　the　slavery　agitation。　　It　was　again　and　again

declared　that　under　this　policy；　when　once　successfully　established；

the　country　would　be　forever　rid　of　this　whole　question。　　Yet　under

the　operation　of　that　policy　this　agitation　has　not　only　not　ceased；

but　it　has　been　constantly　augmented。　　And　this　too；　although；　from

the　day　of　its　introduction；　its　friends；　who　promised　that　it　would

wholly　end　all　agitation；　constantly　insisted；　down　to　the　time　that

the　Lecompton　Bill　was　introduced；　that　it　was　working　admirably；　and

that　its　inevitable　tendency　was　to　remove　the　question　forever　from

the　politics　of　the　country。　　Can　you　call　to　mind　any　Democratic

speech；　made　after　the　repeal　of　the　Missouri　Compromise；　down　to　the

time　of　the　Lecompton　Bill；　in　which　it　was　not　predicted　that　the

slavery　agitation　was　just　at　an　end；　that　〃the　abolition　excitement

was　played　out；〃　〃the　Kansas　question　was　dead；〃　〃they　have　made　the

most　they　can　out　of　this　question　and　it　is　now　forever　settled〃？

But　since　the　Lecompton　Bill　no　Democrat；　within　my　experience；　has

ever　pretended　that　he　could　see　the　end。　That　cry　has　been　dropped。

They　themselves　do　not　pretend；　now；　that　the　agitation　of　this

subject　has　come　to　an　end　yet。



The　truth　is　that　this　question　is　one　of　national　importance；　and　we

cannot　help　dealing　with　it；　we　must　do　something　about　it；　whether

we　will　or　not。　　We　cannot　avoid　it；　the　subject　is　one　we　cannot

avoid　considering；　we　can　no　more　avoid　it　than　a　man　can　live

without　eating。　　It　is　upon　us；　it　attaches　to　the　body　politic　as

much　and　closely　as　the　natural　wants　attach　to　our　natural　bodies。

Now　I　think　it　important　that　this　matter　should　be　taken　up　in

earnest；　and　really　settled：　And　one　way　to　bring　about　a　true

settlement　of　the　question　is　to　understand　its　true　magnitude。



There　have　been　many　efforts　made　to　settle　it。　　Again　and　again　it

has　been　fondly　hoped　that　it　was　settled；　but　every　time　it　breaks

out　afresh；　and　more　violently　than　ever。　　It　was　settled；　our

fathers　hoped；　by　the　Missouri　Compromise；　but　it　did　not　stay

settled。　　Then　the　compromises　of　1850　were　declared　to　be　a　full　and

final　settlement　of　the　question。　　The　two　great　parties；　each　in

national　convention；　adopted　resolutions　declaring　that　the

settlement　made　by　the　Compromise　of　1850　was　a　finality　that　it

would　last　forever。　　Yet　how　long　before　it　was　unsettled　again？

It　broke　out　again　in　1854；　and　blazed　higher　and　raged　more

furiously　than　ever　before；　and　the　agitation　has　not　rested　since。



These　repeated　settlements　must　have　some　faults　about　them。　　There

must　be　some　inadequacy　in　their　very　nature　to　the　purpose　to　which

they　were　designed。　　We　can　only　speculate　as　to　where　that　fault；

that　inadequacy；　is；　but　we　may　perhaps　profit　by　past　experiences。



I　think　that　one　of　the　causes　of　these　repeated　failures　is　that　our

best　and　greatest　men　have　greatly　underestimated　the　size　of　this

question。　　They　have　constantly　brought　forward　small　cures　for　great

soresplasters　too　small　to　cover　the　wound。　　That　is　one　reason

that　all　settlements　have　proved　temporaryso　evanescent。



Look　at　the　magnitude　of　this　subject：　One　sixth　of　our　population；

in　round　numbersnot　quite　one　sixth；　and　yet　more　than　a　seventh；

about　one　sixth　of　the　whole　population　of　the　United　States　are

slaves。　　The　owners　of　these　slaves　consider　them　property。　　The

effect　upon　the　minds　of　the　owners　is　that　of　property；　and　nothing

else　it　induces　them　to　insist　upon　all　that　will　favorably　affect

its　value　as　property；　to　demand　laws　and　institutions　and　a　public

policy　that　shall　increase　and　secure　its　value；　and　make　it　durable；

lasting；　and　universal。　　The　effect　on　the　minds　of　the　owners　is　to

persuade　them　that　there　is　no　wrong　in　it。　　The　slaveholder　does　not

like　to　be　considered　a　mean　fellow　for　holding　that　species　of

property；　and　hence；　he　has　to　struggle　within　himself　and　sets　about

arguing　himself　into　the　belief　that　slavery　is　right。　　The　property

influences　his　mind。　　The　dissenting　minister　who　argued　some

theological　point　with　one　of　the　established　church　was　always　met

with　the　reply；　〃I　can't　see　it　so。〃　　He　opened　a　Bible　and　pointed

him　a　passage；　but　the　orthodox　minister　replied；　〃I　can't　see　it

so。〃　　Then　he　showed　him　a　single　word　〃Can　you　see　that？〃　〃Yes；　I

see　it；〃　was　the　reply。　　The　dissenter　laid　a　guinea　over　the　word

and　asked；　〃Do　you　see　it　now？〃　So　here。　　Whether　the　owners　of　this

species　of　property　do　really　see　it　as　it　is；　it　is　not　for　me　to

say；　but　if　they　do；　they　see　it　as　it　is　through　two　thousand

millions　of　dollars；　and　that　is　a　pretty　thick　coating。　　Certain　it

is　that　they　do　not　see　it　as　we　see　it。　　Certain　it　is　that　this　two

thousand　millions　of　dollars；　invested　in　this　species　of　property；

all　so　concentrated　that　the　mind　can　grasp　it　at　oncethis　immense

pecuniary　interesthas　its　influence　upon　their　minds。



But　here　in　Connecticut　and　at　the　North　slavery　does　not　exist；　and

we　see　it　through　no　such　medium。



To　us　it　appears　natural　to　think　that　slaves　are　human　beings；　men；

not　property；　that　some　of　the　things；　at　least；　stated　about　men　in

the　Declaration　of　Independence　apply　to　them　as　well　as　to　us。

I　say　we　think；　most　of　us；　that　this　charter　of　freedom　applies　to

the　slaves　as　well　as　to　ourselves；　that　the　class　of　arguments　put

forward　to　batter　down　that　idea　are　also　calculated　to　break　down

the　very　idea　of　a　free　government；　even　for　white　men；　and　to

undermine　the　very　foundations　of　free　society。　　We　think　slavery　a

great　moral　wrong；　and；　while　we　do　not　claim　the　right　to　touch　it

where　it　exists；　we　wish　to　treat　it　as　a　wrong　in　the　Territories；

where　our　votes　will　reach　it。　　We　think　that　a　respect　for

ourselves；　a　regard　for　future　generations　and　for　the　God　that　made

us；　require　that　we　put　down　this　wrong　where　our　votes　will　properly

reach　it。　　We　think　that　species　of　labor　an　injury　to　free　white　men

in　short；　we　think　slavery　a　great　moral；　social；　and　political

evil；　tolerable　only　because；　and　so　far　as；　its　actual　existence

makes　it　necessary　to　tolerate　it；　and　that　beyond　that　it　ought　to

be　treated　as　a　wrong。



Now　these　two　ideas；　the　property　idea　that　slavery　is　right；　and　the

idea　that　it　is　wrong；　come　into　collision；　and　do　actually　produce

that　irrepressible　conflict　which　Mr。　Seward　has　been　so　roundly

abused　for　mentioning。　　The　two　ideas　conflict；　and　must　conflict。



Again；　in　its　political　aspect；　does　anything　in　any　way　endanger　the

perpetuity　of　this　Union　but　that　single　thing；　slavery？　　Many　of　our

adversaries　are　anxious　to　claim　that　they　are　specially　devoted　to

the　Union；　and　take　pains　to　charge　upon　us　hostility　to　the　Union。

Now　we　claim　that　we　are　the　only　true　Union　men；　and　we　put　to　them

this　one　proposition：　Whatever　endangers　this　Union；　save　and　except

slavery？　　Did　any　other　thing　ever　cause　a　moment's　fear？　　All　men

must　agree　that　this　thing　alone　has　ever　endangered　the　perpetuity

of　the　Union。　　But　if　it　was　threatened　by　any　other　influence；　would

not　all　men　say　that　the　best　thing　that　could　be　done；　if　we　could

not　or　ought　not　to　destroy　it；　would　be　at　least　to　keep　it　from

growing　any　larger？　　Can　any　man　believe；　that　the　way　to　save　the

Union　is　to　extend　and　increase　the　only　thing　that　threatens　the

Union；　and　to　suffer　it　to　grow　bigger　and　bigger？



Whenever　this　question　shall　be　settled；　it　must　be　settled　on