the writings-5-第2章

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Judge　Douglas　invent　this？　Not　quite。　　The　idea　of　popular

sovereignty　was　floating　about　several　ages　before　the　author　of　the

Nebraska　Bill　was　bornindeed；　before　Columbus　set　foot　on　this

continent。　　In　the　year　1776　it　took　form　in　the　noble　words　which

you　are　all　familiar　with：　〃We　hold　these　truths　to　be　self…evident；

that　all　men　are　created　equal；〃　etc。　　Was　not　this　the　origin　of

popular　sovereignty　as　applied　to　the　American　people？　Here　we　are

told　that　governments　are　instituted　among　men　deriving　their　just

powers　from　the　consent　of　the　governed。　　If　that　is　not　popular

sovereignty；　then　I　have　no　conception　of　the　meaning　of　words。　　If

Judge　Douglas　did　not　invent　this　kind　of　popular　sovereignty；　let　us

pursue　the　inquiry　and　find　out　what　kind　he　did　invent。　　Was　it　the

right　of　emigrants　to　Kansas　and　Nebraska　to　govern　themselves；　and　a

lot　of　〃niggers；〃　too；　if　they　wanted　them？　Clearly　this　was　no

invention　of　his　because　General　Cass　put　forth　the　same　doctrine　in

1848　in　his　so　called　Nicholson　letter；　six　years　before　Douglas

thought　of　such　a　thing。　　Then　what　was　it　that　the　〃Little　Giant〃

invented？　It　never　occurred　to　General　Cass　to　call　his　discovery　by

the　odd　name　of　popular　sovereignty。　　He　had　not　the　face　to　say　that

the　right　of　the　people　to　govern　〃niggers〃　was　the　right　of　the

people　to　govern　themselves。　　His　notions　of　the　fitness　of　things

were　not　moulded　to　the　brazenness　of　calling　the　right　to　put　a

hundred　〃niggers〃　through　under　the　lash　in　Nebraska　a　〃sacred〃　right

of　self…government。　　And　here　I　submit　to　you　was　Judge　Douglas's

discovery；　and　the　whole　of　it：　He　discovered　that　the　right　to　breed

and　flog　negroes　in　Nebraska　was　popular　sovereignty。









SPEECH　AT　CLINTON；　ILLINOIS；



SEPTEMBER　8；　1858。



The　questions　are　sometimes　asked　〃What　is　all　this　fuss　that　is

being　made　about　negroes？　What　does　it　amount　to？　And　where　will　it

end？〃　These　questions　imply　that　those　who　ask　them　consider　the

slavery　question　a　very　insignificant　matter　they　think　that　it

amounts　to　little　or　nothing　and　that　those　who　agitate　it　are

extremely　foolish。　　Now　it　must　be　admitted　that　if　the　great

question　which　has　caused　so　much　trouble　is　insignificant；　we　are

very　foolish　to　have　anything　to　do　with　itif　it　is　of　no

importance　we　had　better　throw　it　aside　and　busy　ourselves　with

something　else。　　But　let　us　inquire　a　little　into　this　insignificant

matter；　as　it　is　called　by　some；　and　see　if　it　is　not　important

enough　to　demand　the　close　attention　of　every　well…wisher　of　the

Union。　　In　one　of　Douglas's　recent　speeches；　I　find　a　reference　to

one　which　was　made　by　me　in　Springfield　some　time　ago。　　The　judge

makes　one　quotation　from　that　speech　that　requires　some　little　notice

from　me　at　this　time。　　I　regret　that　I　have　not　my　Springfield　speech

before　me；　but　the　judge　has　quoted　one　particular　part　of　it　so

often　that　I　think　I　can　recollect　it。　　It　runs　I　think　as　follows：



〃We　are　now　far　into　the　fifth　year　since　a　policy　was　initiated　with

the　avowed　object　and　confident　promise　of　putting　an　end　to　slavery

agitation。　　Under　the　operation　of　that　policy　that　agitation　has　not

only　not　ceased　but　has　constantly　augmented。　　In　my　opinion　it　will

not　cease　until　a　crisis　shall　have　been　reached　and　passed。



〃A　house　divided　against　itself　cannot　stand。　　I　believe　this

government　cannot　endure　permanently　half　slave　and　half　free。　　I　do

not　expect　the　Union　to　be　dissolved。　　I　do　not　expect　the　house　to

fall；　but　I　do　expect　it　will　cease　to　be　divided。　　It　will　become

all　one　thing　or　all　the　other。　　Either　the　opponents　of　slavery　will

arrest　the　further　spread　of　it　and　place　it　where　the　public　mind

shall　rest　in　the　belief　that　it　is　in　the　course　of　ultimate

extinction；　or　its　advocates　will　push　it　forward　till　it　shall

become　alike　lawful　in　all　the　States；　old　as　well　as　new；　North　as

well　as　South。〃



Judge　Douglas　makes　use　of　the　above　quotation；　and　finds　a　great

deal　of　fault　with　it。　　He　deals　unfairly　with　me；　and　tries　to　make

the　people　of　this　State　believe　that　I　advocated　dangerous　doctrines

in　my　Springfield　speech。　　Let　us　see　if　that　portion　of　my

Springfield　speech　of　which　Judge　Douglas　complains　so　bitterly；　is

as　objectionable　to　others　as　it　is　to　him。　　We　are；　certainly；　far

into　the　fifth　year　since　a　policy　was　initiated　with　the　avowed

object　and　confident　promise　of　putting　an　end　to　slavery　agitation。

On　the　fourth　day　of　January；　1854；　Judge　Douglas　introduced　the

Kansas…Nebraska　bill。　　He　initiated　a　new　policy；　and　that　policy；　so

he　says；　was　to　put　an　end　to　the　agitation　of　the　slavery　question。

Whether　that　was　his　object　or　not　I　will　not　stop　to　discuss；　but　at

all　events　some　kind　of　a　policy　was　initiated；　and　what　has　been　the

result？　Instead　of　the　quiet　and　good　feeling　which　were　promised　us

by　the　self…styled　author　of　Popular　Sovereignty；　we　have　had　nothing

but　ill…feeling　and　agitation。　　According　to　Judge　Douglas；　the

passage　of　the　Nebraska　bill　would　tranquilize　the　whole　country

there　would　be　no　more　slavery　agitation　in　or　out　of　Congress；　and

the　vexed　question　would　be　left　entirely　to　the　people　of　the

Territories。　　Such　was　the　opinion　of　Judge　Douglas；　and　such　were

the　opinions　of　the　leading　men　of　the　Democratic　Party。　　Even　as

late　as　the　spring　of　1856　Mr。　Buchanan　said；　a　short　time　subsequent

to　his　nomination　by　the　Cincinnati　convention；　that　the　territory　of

Kansas　would　be　tranquil　in　less　than　six　weeks。　　Perhaps　he　thought

so；　but　Kansas　has　not　been　and　is　not　tranquil；　and　it　may　be　a　long

time　before　she　may　be　so。



We　all　know　how　fierce　the　agitation　was　in　Congress　last　winter；　and

what　a　narrow　escape　Kansas　had　from　being　admitted　into　the　Union

with　a　constitution　that　was　detested　by　ninety…nine　hundredths　of

her　citizens。　　Did　the　angry　debates　which　took　place　at　Washington

during　the　last　season　of　Congress　lead　you　to　suppose　that　the

slavery　agitation　was　settled？



An　election　was　held　in　Kansas　in　the　month　of　August；　and　the

constitution　which　was　submitted　to　the　people　was　voted　down　by　a

large　majority。　　So　Kansas　is　still　out　of　the　Union；　and　there　is　a

probability　that　she　will　remain　out　for　some　time。　　But　Judge

Douglas　says　the　slavery　question　is　settled。　　He　says　the　bill　he

introduced　into　the　Senate　of　the　United　States　on　the　4th　day　of

January；　1854；　settled　the　slavery　question　forever！　Perhaps　he　can

tell　us　how　that　bill　settled　the　slavery　question；　for　if　he　is　able

to　settle　a　question　of　such　great　magnitude　he　ought　to　be　able　to

explain　the　manner　in　which　he　does　it。　　He　knows　and　you　know　that

the　question　is　not　settled；　and　that　his　ill…timed　experiment　to

settle　it　has　made　it　worse　than　it　ever　was　before。



And　now　let　me　say　a　few　words　in　regard　to　Douglas's　great　hobby　of

negro　equality。　　He　thinkshe　says　at　leastthat　the　Republican

party　is　in　favor　of　allowing　whites　and　blacks　to　intermarry；　and

that　a　man　can't　be　a　good　Republican　unless　he　is　willing　to　elevate

black　men　to　office　and　to　associate　with　them　on　terms　of　perfect

equality。　　He　knows　that　we　advocate　no　such　doctrines　as　these；　but

he　cares　not　how　much　he　misrepresents　us　if　he　can　gain　a　few　votes

by　so　doing。　　To　show　you　what　my　opinion　of　negro　equality　was　in

times　past；　and　to　prove　to　you　that　I　stand　on　that　question　where　I

always　stood；　I　will　read　you　a　few　extracts　from　a　speech　that　was

made　by　me　in　Peoria　in　1854。　　It　was　made　in　reply　to　one　of　Judge

Douglas's　speeches。



（Mr。　Lincoln　then　read　a　number　of　extracts　which　had　the　ring　of　the

true　metal。　　We　have　rarely　heard　anything　with　which　we　have　been

more　pleased。　　And　the　audience　after　hearing　the　extracts　read；　and

comparing　their　conservative　sentiments　with　those　now　advocated　by

Mr。　Lincoln；　testified　their　approval　by　loud　applause。　　How　any

reasonable　man　can　hear　one　of　Mr。　Lincoln's　speeches　without　being

converted　to　Republicanism　is　something　that　we　can't　account　for。

Ed。）



Slavery；　continued　Mr。　Lincoln；　is　not　a　matter　of　little　importance；

it　overshadows　every　other　question　in　which　we　are　interested。　　It

has　divided　the　Methodist　and　Presbyterian　churches；　and　has　sown

discord　in　the　American　Tract　Society。　　The　churches　have　split　and

the　society　will　follow　their　example　before　long。　　So　it　will　be

seen　that　slavery　is　agitated　in　the　religious　as　well　as　in　the

political　world。

Judge　Douglas　is　very　much　afraid　in　the　triumph　that　the　Republican

party　will　lead　to　a　general　mixture　of　the　white　and　black　races。

Perhaps　I　am　wrong　in　saying　that　he　is　afraid；　so　I　will　correct

myself　by　saying　that　he　pretends　to　fear　that　the　success　of　our

party　will　result　in　the　amalgamation　of　the　blacks　and　whites。　　I

think　I　can　show　plainly；　from　documents　now　before　me；　that　Judge

Douglas's　fears　are　groundless。　　The　census　of　1800　tells　us　that　in

that　year　there　were　over　four　hundred　thousand　mulattoes　in　the

United　States。　　Now　let　us　take　what　is　called　an　Abolition　State

the　Republican；　slavery…hating　State　of　New　Hampshireand　see　how

many　mulattoes　we　can　find　within　her　borders。　　The　number　amounts　to

just　one　hundred　and　eighty…four。　　In　the　Old　Dominionin　the

Democratic　and　aristocratic　State　of　Virginiathere　were　a　few　more

mulattoes　than　the　Census…takers　found　in　New　Hampshire。　　How　many　do

you　suppose　there　were？　Seventy…nine　thousand；　seven　hundred　and

seventy…fivetwenty…three　thousand　more　than　there　were　in　all　the

free　States！　　In　the　slave　States　there　were　in　1800；　three

hundred　and　forty…eight　thousand　mulattoes　all　of　home　production；

and　in　the　free　States　there　were　less　than　sixty　thousand　mulattoes

and　a　large　number　of　them　were　imported　from　the　South。









FRAGMENT　OF　SPEECH　AT　EDWARDSVILLE；　ILL。；



SEPT。　13；　1858。



I　have　been　requested　to　give　a　concise　statement　of　the　difference；

as　I　understand　it；　between　the　Democratic　and　Republican　parties；　on

the　leading　issues　of　the　campaign。　　This　question　has　been　put　to　me

by　a　gentleman　whom　I　do　not　know。　　I　do　not　even　know　whether　he　is

a　friend　of　mine　or　a　supporter　of　Judge　Douglas　in　this　contest；　nor

does　that　make　any　difference。　　His　question　is　a　proper　one。　　Lest　I

should　forget　it；　I　will　give　you　my　answer　before　proceeding　with

the　line　of　argument　I　have　marked　out　for　this　discussion。



The　difference　between　the　Republican　and　the　Democratic　parties　on

the　leading　issues　of　this　contest；　as　I　understand　it；　is　that　the

former　consider　slavery　a　moral；　social　and　political　wrong；　while

the　latter　do　not　consider　it　either　a　moral；　a　social　or　a　political

wrong；　and　the　action　of　each；　as　respects　the　growth　of　the　country

and　the　expansion　of　our　population；　is　squared　to　meet　these　view